Windows of the mus·ing - Communism/thinking & value - RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR / Bloody Sunday (1905)
Windows of the mus·ing - Communism/thinking & value - RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR / Bloody Sunday (1905)
지구를 소유했다고 주장하는 자들(미국, 영국 유대 비유대계통) 말 조심해라. 지구는 당신들 소유가 아닌데 왜 자꾸 우리들 영역에 오지 말라는 개소리를 까는 거냐? 원본래적지구인들은 따로 있다. 그로서 원본래적지구인이 아님에도 불구하고, 지구가 자신들의 삶의 영역이라고 주장하는 놈들은 미친놈과 년 취급하며, 살해후 영구추방토록 처리규율되었다. 이는 ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조, 플레이아데스규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
Novonikolayevsk in 1895!
Goal(목적, 목표)
To deliver a petition to Tsar Nicholas II, calling for reforms such as: limitations on state officials' power(공무원,관리들의 횡포를 막아달라); improvements to working conditions and hours(근로환경 및 조건을 개선해달라); and the introduction of a national parliament(의회민주제도의 도입)
Georgy Apollonovich Gapon[a] (17 February 1870–10 April 1906) was a Russian Orthodox priest and a popular working-class leader before the Russian Revolution of 1905. After he was discovered to be a police informant, Gapon was murdered by members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party
피의 일요일 사건(Кровавое воскресенье)은 1905년 1월 22일[1] 제정 러시아의 수도 상트페테르부르크에서 발생한 유혈사태를 말한다. 러시아 제국 당시의 수도 상트페테르부르크에서 열린 노동자들의 탄원 집회였다. 니콜라이 2세에게 탄원을 하기 위해 겨울 궁전으로 평화적인 청원 행진을 하는 것을 정부 당국에서 동원한 근위군이 발포하여 다수의 사상자를 낸 사건이다.
불평등한 사회체제로 억눌린 러시아 민중들은 차르 니콜라이 2세의 초상화와 기독교 성화상 그리고 노동자들의 요구를 적은 청원서를 손에 들고 비폭력시위를 벌였는데, 당시 실권자 그리고리 라스푸틴이 유혈진압이라는 가혹한 탄압을 가한 사건이다. 죽은 사람만 500∼600명, 부상자 수천 명이나 된 대규모 유혈사태였다. 주동자는 사회개혁론자이자 러시아 정교회 사제인 게오르기 가폰 신부였다.
피의 일요일의 학살은 ‘1905년 혁명’을 활성화시킨 국면의 시작으로 간주되고 있다. 게다가 1905년 혁명의 시작은 라이오닐 코찬과 같은 사학자는 그의 저서 《1890-1918년 러시아 혁명》(Russia in Revolution 1890-1918)에서 피의 일요일 사건을 1917년 러시아 혁명으로 이끈 핵심 사건으로 간주하고 있다.
1905년 1월 9일 일요일에 개최된 청원 행진은 게오르기 가폰 신부의 주도 하에 진행되었다. 가폰은 러시아 정교회의 사제이자, 국가 비밀경찰의 급여를 받는 공작원이었다고도 전해지고 있다.
청원의 내용은 노동자의 법적 보호, 당시 일본에 완전히 열세가 있었던 러일 전쟁의 중지, 헌법의 제정, 기본적 인권의 확립 등으로 착취, 빈곤, 전쟁에 허덕이던 당시 러시아 민중의 소박한 요구를 대변한 것이었다.
당시 러시아 민중은 러시아 정교회의 영향 하에 황제 숭배의 관념을 가지고 있었다. 이것은 황제의 권력(왕권)은 신으로부터 받은 것이며, 또한 러시아 제국의 황제는 동로마 제국을 계승한 기독교(정교회)의 수호자이라는 사상이다. 따라서 민중은 황제 니콜라이 2세에게 직접 탄원을 하면 정세가 개선된다고 믿었다.
행진에 앞서 거행된 파업에 참가자는 상트페테르부르크의 전체 노동자 18만 명 중 11만 명에 이르렀다고 전해지며, 행진 참가자는 6만 명에 달했다. 당국은 군대를 동원해 시위대를 중심가에 진입시키지 않을 방침이었지만, 너무 인원이 많았기 때문에 진입을 막지 못했고, 군대는 각지에서 비무장 시위대에 발포를 했다.[2]
발포로 인한 사망자 수는 불명확하다. 반정부 운동 측의 보고에서는 4,000명 이상에 이르렀다고 주장한다. 한편, 더 신중하게 추정한 보고에서도 사상자의 수는 1,000명 이상이 된다. 사건은 모스크바 시내로 빠르게 퍼졌으며, 시내 곳곳에서 폭동과 약탈이 이루어졌다.
가폰이 이 사건 이전부터 조직했던 노동자 집회는 당일 해산되었고, 가폰은 즉시 러시아 제국을 떠났다. 가폰은 같은 해 10월에 귀국했다가 이듬해인 1906년 4월에 사회혁명당에 의해 암살되었다.
미국 출신으로 20세기를 대표하는 댄서 이사도라 던컨은 이 사건 이틀 후 페테르부르크를 방문했다가 이 어수선한 상황을 자서전 《나의 생애》(My Life, 1927년)에 기록했다
이 사건의 결과, 황제 숭배의 환상은 깨어졌고, 이후 ‘1905년 러시아 혁명’이라고 불린 전국 규모의 반정부 운동이 발발한 것으로 간주되고 있다. 이때 시작된 러시아의 공산주의 운동은 1917년의 러시아 혁명(2월 혁명, 10월 혁명)의 원동력으로 성장해 간다. 성난 제정 러시아 민중들이 사회주의 혁명인 10월 혁명을 주도하게 됨에 따라 로마노프 왕조의 몰락은 가속화된다
Bloody Sunday or Red Sunday[1] (Russian: Крова́вое воскресе́нье, tr. Krovávoye voskresén'e, IPA: [krɐˈvavəɪ vəskrʲɪˈsʲenʲjɪ]) is the name given to the events of Sunday, 22 January [O.S. 9 January] 1905 in St Petersburg, Russia, when unarmed demonstrators led by Father Georgy Gapon were fired upon by soldiers of the Imperial Guard as they marched towards the Winter Palace to present a petition to Tsar Nicholas II of Russia.
Bloody Sunday caused grave consequences for the Tsarist autocracy governing Imperial Russia: the events in St. Petersburg provoked public outrage and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly to the industrial centres of the Russian Empire. The massacre on Bloody Sunday is considered to be the start of the active phase of the Revolution of 1905. In addition to beginning the 1905 Revolution, historians such as Lionel Kochan in his book Russia in Revolution 1890–1918 view the events of Bloody Sunday to be one of the key events which led to the Russian Revolution of 1917.
카자크(우크라이나어: козаки́; 러시아어: каза́ки; 폴란드어: Kozacy)는 오늘날의 우크라이나 일대와 러시아 서남부 지역에서 준군사적인 자치 공동체를 이루며 살았던 동슬라브어를 사용하는 민족집단이다.[1][2] 드니프로 강 하류, 돈 강, 테레크 강, 우랄 강 유역 일대에 드문드문 흩어져 살면서 러시아와 우크라이나의 정치사 및 문화사에 중요한 역할을 했다.[3]
카자크의 기원(추측컨대, 비유대계 유대인-비유대계 유대인들이란, 유대인으로 지칭되어지는 이스라엘 민족과 이스라엘 민족외적의 다른 민족들이지만, 공통의 조상, 노아로부터 발원하는 배다른 異腹兄弟격들을 의미하였다)
붉은 색으로 표시되는 국가들, 불가리아, 세르비아, 루마니아, 우크라이나는 아마도, 비유대계 유대인들이 그 종족적 기원이 아닌가 하는 推定을 하였다.
강의 명칭이 "돈 DON"이라고 하였다. 그런데 신기하게도, 한국놈들 언어로는, MONEY가 DON(돈)이었다.
들로 추정되었다. 이들은 아마도, 세르비아 계통과 유사하거나 같을 것으로 추정되었다.)은 불확실하지만, 14세기에서 15세기 사이 드니프로 강의 자포리자 카자크와 돈 강의 돈 카자크가 발생한 것을 대개 그 시작으로 잡는다. 자포리자 카자크는 폴란드-리투아니아의 봉신이었다. 폴란드-리투아니아로부터의 압력이 증가하면서 17세기 중반 보흐단 흐멜니츠키가 흐멜니츠키 봉기라고 부르는 무장 반란을 일으켜 독립을 선언하고 카자크 수장국을 수립했다. 그 뒤 페레야슬라프 조약(1654년)으로 카자크 수장국은 러시아의 세력권에 편입되었다. 한편 돈 카자크는 16세기에 정립되었으며 러시아 차르국과 동맹을 맺었다.
18세기가 되면 러시아 제국의 카자크들은 국경지대인 우크라이나에서 완충지대의 역할을 했다. 러시아 제정은 카자크의 자유와 자치, 독립에 간섭하면서 그들을 길들이려 했다. 이에 카자크들은 스텐카 라진, 콘드라티 불라빈, 이반 마제파, 예멜리안 푸가초프 등을 지도자로 하여 여러 차례 반제정 반란을 일으켰고 일부는 내전 수준으로 비화했다. 러시아 제국은 처형과 고문을 동원하며 이를 모두 무자비하게 진압했다. 1707년-1708년의 불라빈의 난 진압 이후 돈 카자크의 서쪽 자치구가 철폐되었고, 1708년 마제파의 난 진압 이후 바투린의 카자크가 철폐되었다. 1775년 푸가초프의 난이 진압된 뒤에는 드니프로 강 하류 자포리자 카자크가 공식적으로 해산당했다.
18세기 말엽이 되면 카자크 민족은 러시아 제국의 신분제도에서 소슬로비예라는 특수 군사신분을 이루었다. 이는 중세 서유럽의 기사제도와 유사한 것으로서, 카자크들은 군마와 병기 및 보급품을 각자 조달해야 했고 러시아 정부에서는 총기만 보급해 주었다. 민족 자체가 준군사 문화에 의해 규정되었던 만큼 카자크는 18세기-20세기 러시아 제국의 전쟁들(대북방 전쟁, 7년 전쟁, 크림 전쟁, 나폴레옹 전쟁, 코카서스 전쟁, 러시아-페르시아 전쟁, 러시아-튀르크 전쟁, 제1차 세계 대전 등)에 동원되었다. 19세기 말에서 20세기 초 차르주의 정권은 카자크를 폴란드인과 유대인에 대한 포그롬을 수행하게 하는 등 공포정치에 이용했다. 또 국경지대 방어와 제국 내부의 소수민족들 간의 경계 방어에도 카자크가 사용되었다.
제정이 러시아 혁명으로 망한 뒤, 돈 카자크와 쿠반 카자크가 최초로 볼셰비키에 대해 전쟁을 전포함으로써 내전이 시작되었다. 1918년이 되면 카자크들은 완전히 독립적인 상태가 되어 우크라이나국, 돈 공화국, 쿠반 인민공화국 등 자기들의 국민국가를 세웠다. 카자크 병력과 카자크 국가들은 반볼셰비키 백군의 주축을 이루었다. 내전이 볼셰비키의 승리로 끝나면서 과거 카자크들이 살던 지역에서는 카자크 말살정책이 실시되었다.
2010년 러시아 연방의 인구조사에서는 카자크가 별개의 민족으로 취급되고 있다
Cossacks (Belarusian: казакi, Czecho-Slovak: kozáci, Hungarian: kozákok, Polish: Kozacy, Russian: казаки́, Ukrainian: козаки́ [nb 1]) were a group of predominantly East Slavic-speaking people who became known as members of democratic, self-governing, semi-military communities, predominantly located in Eastern and Southern Ukraine and in Southern Russia.[1] They inhabited sparsely populated areas and islands in the lower Dnieper,[2] Don, Terek and Ural river basins and played an important role in the historical and cultural development of both Ukraine and Russia.[3][4]
The origins of the first Cossacks are disputed, though the 1710 Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk claimed Khazar origin.[nb 2] The emergence of Cossacks is dated to the 14th or 15th centuries, when two connected groups emerged, the Zaporozhian Sich of the Dnieper and the Don Cossack Host.[nb 3]
The Zaporizhian Sich were a vassal people of Poland–Lithuania during feudal times. Under increasing pressure from the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, in the mid-17th century the Sich declared an independent Cossack Hetmanate, initiated by a rebellion under Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Afterwards, the Treaty of Pereyaslav (1654) brought most of the Cossack state under Russian rule.[5] The Sich with its lands became an autonomous region under the Russian-Polish protectorate.[6]
The Don Cossack Host, which had been established by the 16th century,[7] allied with the Tsardom of Russia. Together they began a systematic conquest and colonisation of lands in order to secure the borders on the Volga, the whole of Siberia (see Yermak Timofeyevich) and the Yaik (Ural) and the Terek rivers. Cossack communities had developed along the latter two rivers well before the arrival of the Don Cossacks.[8]
By the 18th century Cossack hosts in the Russian Empire occupied effective buffer zones on its borders. The expansionist ambitions of the Empire relied on ensuring the loyalty of Cossacks, which caused tension given their traditional exercise of freedom, democracy, self-rule, and independence. Cossacks such as Stenka Razin, Kondraty Bulavin, Ivan Mazepa and Yemelyan Pugachev led major anti-imperial wars and revolutions in the Empire in order to abolish slavery and odious bureaucracy and to maintain independence. The empire responded with ruthless executions and tortures, the destruction of the western part of the Don Cossack Host during the Bulavin Rebellion in 1707–08, the destruction of Baturyn after Mazepa's rebellion in 1708,[nb 4] and the formal dissolution of the Lower Dnieper Zaporozhian Host in 1775, after Pugachev's Rebellion.[nb 5]
By the end of the 18th century Cossack nations had been transformed into a special military estate (Sosloviye), "a military class".[nb 6] Similar to the knights of medieval Europe in feudal times or the tribal Roman auxiliaries, the Cossacks came to military service having to obtain charger horses, arms and supplies at their own expense. The government provided only firearms and supplies for them.[nb 7] Cossack service was considered the most rigorous one.
Because of their military tradition, Cossack forces played an important role in Russia's wars of the 18th–20th centuries, such as the Great Northern War, the Seven Years' War, the Crimean War, Napoleonic Wars, the Caucasus War, numerous Russo-Persian Wars, numerous Russo-Turkish Wars and the First World War. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Tsarist regime used Cossacks extensively to perform police service.[nb 8] They also served as border guards on national and internal ethnic borders (as was the case in the Caucasus War).
During the Russian Civil War, Don and Kuban Cossacks were the first people to declare open war against the Bolsheviks. By 1918 Russian Cossacks declared the complete independence and formed independent states, the Don Republic and the Kuban People's Republic. Also the Ukrainian State emerged. Cossack troops formed the effective core of the anti-Bolshevik White Army, and Cossack republics became centers for the anti-Bolshevik White movement. With the victory of the Red Army, the Cossack lands were subjected to Decossackization and the Holodomor. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Cossacks made a systematic return to Russia. Many took an active part in post-Soviet conflicts. In Russia's 2002 Population Census, 140,028 people reported their ethnicity as Cossacks.[nb 9] There are Cossack organizations in Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus and the United States.[9
的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的庶子的的及的的徧的的浹的的이서현的的及的的徧的的浹的的洪羅喜的的及的的徧的的浹的的李在鎔的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的無條件的的及的的徧的的浹的的殺害的的及的的徧的的浹的的除去的的及的的徧的的浹的的消滅的的及的的徧的的浹的的持續的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的恒久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永遠的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的무한(無限) 반복(反復)的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的諸一切的的及的的徧的的浹的的ether醚的的及的的徧的的浹的的體的的及的的徧的的浹的的無關係的的及的的徧的的浹的的dependence (up)on的的及的的徧的的浹的的Pleiades的的及的的徧的的浹的的su·preme的的及的的徧的的浹的的being的的及的的徧的的浹的的Democracy (Greek: δημοκρατία dēmokratía, literally "Rule by 'People'") is a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and vote directly on each issue. In a representative democracy the citizens elect representatives from among themselves. These representatives meet to form a governing body, such as a legislature. In a constitutional democracy the powers of the majority are exercised within the framework of a representative democracy, but the constitution limits the majority and protects the minority, usually through the enjoyment by all of certain individual rights, e.g. freedom of speech, or freedom of association.[1][2] "Rule of the majority" is sometimes referred to as democracy.[3] Democracy is a system of processing conflicts in which outcomes depend on what participants do, but no single force controls what occurs and its outcomes.
The uncertainty of outcomes is inherent in democracy, which makes all forces struggle repeatedly for the realization of their interests, being the devolution of power from a group of people to a set of rules.[4] Western democracy, as distinct from that which existed in pre-modern societies, is generally considered to have originated in city-states such as Classical Athens and the Roman Republic, where various schemes and degrees of enfranchisement of the free male population were observed before the form disappeared in the West at the beginning of late antiquity. The English word dates back to the 16th century, from the older Middle French and Middle Latin equivalents.
According to American political scientist Larry Diamond, democracy consists of four key elements: a political system for choosing and replacing the government through free and fair elections; the active participation of the people, as citizens, in politics and civic life; protection of the human rights of all citizens; a rule of law, in which the laws and procedures apply equally to all citizens.[5] Todd Landman, nevertheless, draws our attention to the fact that democracy and human rights are two different concepts and that "there must be greater specificity in the conceptualisation and operationalization of democracy and human rights".[6]
The term appeared in the 5th century BC to denote the political systems then existing in Greek city-states, notably Athens, to mean "rule of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "rule of an elite". While theoretically these definitions are in opposition, in practice the distinction has been blurred historically.[7] The political system of Classical Athens, for example, granted democratic citizenship to free men and excluded slaves and women from political participation. In virtually all democratic governments throughout ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship consisted of an elite class, until full enfranchisement was won for all adult citizens in most modern democracies through the suffrage movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Democracy contrasts with forms of government where power is either held by an individual, as in an absolute monarchy, or where power is held by a small number of individuals, as in an oligarchy. Nevertheless, these oppositions, inherited from Greek philosophy,[8] are now ambiguous because contemporary governments have mixed democratic, oligarchic and monarchic elements. Karl Popper defined democracy in contrast to dictatorship or tyranny, thus focusing on opportunities for the people to control their leaders and to oust them without the need for a revolution.[
A republic (Latin: res publica) is a form of government in which the country is considered a “public matter”, not the private concern or property of the rulers. The primary positions of power within a republic are not inherited, but are attained through democracy, oligarchy or autocracy. It is a form of government under which the head of state is not a hereditary monarch.[1][2][3]
In the context of American constitutional law, the definition of republic refers specifically to a form of government in which elected individuals represent the citizen body[2][better source needed] and exercise power according to the rule of law under a constitution, including separation of powers with an elected head of state, referred to as a constitutional republic[4][5][6][7] or representative democracy.[8]
As of 2017[update], 159 of the world’s 206 sovereign states use the word “republic” as part of their official names – not all of these are republics in the sense of having elected governments, nor is the word “republic” used in the names of all nations with elected governments. While heads of state often tend to claim that they rule only by the “consent of the governed”, elections in some countries have been found to be held more for the purpose of “show” than for the actual purpose of in reality providing citizens with any genuine ability to choose their own leaders.[9]
The word republic comes from the Latin term res publica, which literally means “public thing,” “public matter,” or “public affair” and was used to refer to the state as a whole. The term developed its modern meaning in reference to the constitution of the ancient Roman Republic, lasting from the overthrow of the kings in 509 B.C. to the establishment of the Empire in 27 B.C. This constitution was characterized by a Senate composed of wealthy aristocrats and wielding significant influence; several popular assemblies of all free citizens, possessing the power to elect magistrates and pass laws; and a series of magistracies with varying types of civil and political authority.
Most often a republic is a single sovereign state, but there are also sub-sovereign state entities that are referred to as republics, or that have governments that are described as “republican” in nature. For instance, Article IV of the United States Constitution "guarantee[s] to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government".[10] In contrast, the former Soviet Union, which described itself as being a group of “Republics” and also as a “federal multinational state composed of 15 republics”, was widely viewed as being a totalitarian form of government and not a genuine republic, since its electoral system was structured so as to automatically guarantee the election of government-sponsored candidates.[
The term originates from the Latin translation of Greek word politeia. Cicero, among other Latin writers, translated politeia as res publica and it was in turn translated by Renaissance scholars as "republic" (or similar terms in various western European languages).[citation needed]
The term politeia can be translated as form of government, polity, or regime and is therefore not always a word for a specific type of regime as the modern word republic is. One of Plato's major works on political science was titled Politeia and in English it is thus known as The Republic. However, apart from the title, in modern translations of The Republic, alternative translations of politeia are also used.[12]
However, in Book III of his Politics, Aristotle was apparently the first classical writer to state that the term politeia can be used to refer more specifically to one type of politeia: "When the citizens at large govern for the public good, it is called by the name common to all governments (to koinon onoma pasōn tōn politeiōn), government (politeia)". Also amongst classical Latin, the term "republic" can be used in a general way to refer to any regime, or in a specific way to refer to governments which work for the public good.[13]
In medieval Northern Italy, a number of city states had commune or signoria based governments. In the late Middle Ages, writers such as Giovanni Villani began writing about the nature of these states and the differences from other types of regime. They used terms such as libertas populi, a free people, to describe the states. The terminology changed in the 15th century as the renewed interest in the writings of Ancient Rome caused writers to prefer using classical terminology. To describe non-monarchical states writers, most importantly Leonardo Bruni, adopted the Latin phrase res publica.[14]
While Bruni and Machiavelli used the term to describe the states of Northern Italy, which were not monarchies, the term res publica has a set of interrelated meanings in the original Latin. The term can quite literally be translated as "public matter".[15] It was most often used by Roman writers to refer to the state and government, even during the period of the Roman Empire.[16]
In subsequent centuries, the English word "commonwealth" came to be used as a translation of res publica, and its use in English was comparable to how the Romans used the term res publica.[17] Notably, during The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell the word commonwealth was the most common term to call the new monarchless state, but the word republic was also in common use.[18] Likewise, in Polish the term was translated as rzeczpospolita, although the translation is now only used with respect to Poland.
Presently, the term "republic" commonly means a system of government which derives its power from the people rather than from another basis, such as heredity or divine right.[
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit.[1][2][3][4] Characteristics central to capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labor, voluntary exchange, a price system, and competitive markets.[5][6] In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by every owner of wealth, property or production ability in financial and capital markets, whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are mainly determined by competition in goods and services markets.[7][8]
Economists, political economists, sociologists and historians have adopted different perspectives in their analyses of capitalism and have recognized various forms of it in practice. These include laissez-faire or free market capitalism, welfare capitalism and state capitalism. Different forms of capitalism feature varying degrees of free markets, public ownership,[9] obstacles to free competition and state-sanctioned social policies. The degree of competition in markets, the role of intervention and regulation, and the scope of state ownership vary across different models of capitalism.[10][11] The extent to which different markets are free as well as the rules defining private property are matters of politics and policy. Most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention and in some cases economic planning.[12]
Market economies have existed under many forms of government and in many different times, places and cultures. Modern capitalist societies—marked by a universalization of money-based social relations, a consistently large and system-wide class of workers who must work for wages, and a capitalist class which owns the means of production—developed in Western Europe in a process that led to the Industrial Revolution. Capitalist systems with varying degrees of direct government intervention have since become dominant in the Western world and continue to spread. Over time, capitalist countries have experienced consistent economic growth and an increase in the standard of living.
Critics of capitalism argue that it establishes power in the hands of a minority capitalist class that exists through the exploitation of the majority working class and their labor; prioritizes profit over social good, natural resources and the environment; and is an engine of inequality, corruption and economic instabilities. Supporters argue that it provides better products and innovation through competition, disperses wealth to all productive people, promotes pluralism and decentralization of power, creates strong economic growth, and yields productivity and prosperity that greatly benefit society
The term "capitalist", meaning an owner of capital, appears earlier than the term "capitalism" and it dates back to the mid-17th century. "Capitalism" is derived from capital, which evolved from capitale, a late Latin word based on caput, meaning "head"—also the origin of "chattel" and "cattle" in the sense of movable property (only much later to refer only to livestock). Capitale emerged in the 12th to 13th centuries in the sense of referring to funds, stock of merchandise, sum of money or money carrying interest.[24]:232[25][26] By 1283, it was used in the sense of the capital assets of a trading firm and it was frequently interchanged with a number of other words—wealth, money, funds, goods, assets, property and so on.[24]:233
The Hollandische Mercurius uses "capitalists" in 1633 and 1654 to refer to owners of capital.[24]:234 In French, Étienne Clavier referred to capitalistes in 1788,[27] six years before its first recorded English usage by Arthur Young in his work Travels in France (1792).[26][28] In his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), David Ricardo referred to "the capitalist" many times.[29] Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an English poet, used "capitalist" in his work Table Talk (1823).[30] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon used the term "capitalist" in his first work, What is Property? (1840), to refer to the owners of capital. Benjamin Disraeli used the term "capitalist" in his 1845 work Sybil.[26]
The initial usage of the term "capitalism" in its modern sense has been attributed to Louis Blanc in 1850 ("What I call 'capitalism' that is to say the appropriation of capital by some to the exclusion of others") and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1861 ("Economic and social regime in which capital, the source of income, does not generally belong to those who make it work through their labour").[24]:237 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels referred to the "capitalistic system"[31][32] and to the "capitalist mode of production" in Capital (1867).[33] The use of the word "capitalism" in reference to an economic system appears twice in Volume I of Capital, p. 124 (German edition) and in Theories of Surplus Value, tome II, p. 493 (German edition). Marx did not extensively use the form capitalism, but instead those of capitalist and capitalist mode of production, which appear more than 2,600 times in the trilogy The Capital. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the term "capitalism" first appeared in English in 1854 in the novel The Newcomes by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray, where he meant "having ownership of capital".[34] Also according to the OED, Carl Adolph Douai, a German American socialist and abolitionist, used the phrase "private capitalism" in 1863.
The rule of law is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as: "The authority and influence of law in society, especially when viewed as a constraint on individual and institutional behavior; (hence) the principle whereby all members of a society (including those in government) are considered equally subject to publicly disclosed legal codes and processes."[2] The phrase "the rule of law" refers to a political situation, not to any specific legal rule.
Use of the phrase can be traced to 16th-century Britain, and in the following century the Scottish theologian Samuel Rutherford employed it in arguing against the divine right of kings.[3] John Locke wrote that freedom in society means being subject only to laws made by a legislature that apply to everyone, with a person being otherwise free from both governmental and private restrictions upon liberty. "The rule of law" was further popularized in the 19th century by British jurist A. V. Dicey. However, the principle, if not the phrase itself, was recognized by ancient thinkers; for example, Aristotle wrote: "It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens".[4]
The rule of law implies that every person is subject to the law, including people who are lawmakers, law enforcement officials, and judges.[5] In this sense, it stands in contrast to a monarchy or oligarchy where the rulers are held above the law.[citation needed] Lack of the rule of law can be found in both democracies and monarchies, for example, because of neglect or ignorance of the law, and the rule of law is more apt to decay if a government has insufficient corrective mechanisms for restoring it.
Ethics or moral philosophy is a branch of philosophy that involves systematizing, defending, and recommending concepts of right and wrong conduct.[1] The field of ethics, along with aesthetics, concerns matters of value, and thus comprises the branch of philosophy called axiology.[2]
Ethics seeks to resolve questions of human morality by defining concepts such as good and evil, right and wrong, virtue and vice, justice and crime. As a field of intellectual inquiry, moral philosophy also is related to the fields of moral psychology, descriptive ethics, and value theory.
Three major areas of study within ethics recognized today are:[1]
觀自在菩薩 行深般若波羅蜜多時 照見五蘊皆空 度一切苦厄
관자재보살(관세음보살)이 반야바라밀다(부처님의 지혜)를 행할때 오온이 모두 비어 있음을 비추어 보시고 하나이자 전부인 온갖 괴로움과 재앙을 건넜다.
舍利子 色不異空 空不異色 色卽是空 空卽是色 受想行識 亦復如是
사리자여, 물질이 공(空)과 다르지 않고 공이 물질과 다르지 않으며 물질이 곧 공이요, 공이 곧 물질이다. 느낌, 생각과 지어감, 의식 또한 그러하니라.
舍利子 是諸法空相 不生不滅 不垢不淨 不增不減
사리자여, 이 모든 법은 나지도 않고 멸하지도 않으며, 더럽지도 않고 깨끗하지도 않으며, 늘지도 줄지도 않느니라
是故 空中無色無受想行識 無眼耳鼻舌身意 無色聲香味觸法 無眼界 乃至 無意識界
그러므로 공 가운데는 색이 없고 수 상 행 식도 없으며, 안이비설신의도 없고, 색성향미촉법도 없으며, 눈의 경계도 의식의 경계까지도 없으며
無無明 亦無無明盡 乃至 無老死 亦無老死盡
무명도 무명이 다함까지도 없으며, 늙고 죽음도 늙고 죽음이 다함까지도 없고
無苦集滅道 無智 亦無得 以無所得故 菩提薩陀 依般若波羅蜜多
고집멸도도 없으며, 지혜도 얻음도 없느리라. 얻을것이 없는 까닭에 보살은 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로
故心無罣碍 無罣碍故 無有恐怖 遠離 (一切) 顚倒夢想 究竟涅槃
마음에 걸림이 없고, 걸림이 없으므로 두려움이 없어서 뒤바뀐 헛된 생각을 멀리 떠나 완전한 열반에 들어가며
三世諸佛依般若波羅蜜多 故得阿耨多羅三藐三菩提 故知般若波羅蜜多 是大神呪 是大明呪 是無上呪 是無等等呪 能除一切苦 眞實不虛
삼세의 모든 부처님도 이 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로 최상의 깨달음을 얻느니라. 반야바라밀다는 가장 신비하고 밝은 주문이며, 위없는 주문이며, 무엇과도 견줄 수 없는 주문이니, 온갖 괴로움을 없애고 진실하여 허망하지 않음을 알지니라.
故說般若波羅蜜多呪 卽說呪曰
이제 반야바라밀다주를 말하리라.
揭諦揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶(3)
'아제아제 바라아제 바라승아제 모지 사바하'(3)
(Gate Gate paragate parasamgate Bodhi Svaha:가테 가테 파라가테 파라삼가테 보디 스바하)
가자, 가자, 피안(彼岸)으로 가자, 피안으로 넘어가자, 영원한 깨달음이여的的及的的遍的的民主主義的的及的的遍的的
지구를 소유했다고 주장하는 자들(미국, 영국 유대 비유대계통) 말 조심해라. 지구는 당신들 소유가 아닌데 왜 자꾸 우리들 영역에 오지 말라는 개소리를 까는 거냐? 원본래적지구인들은 따로 있다. 그로서 원본래적지구인이 아님에도 불구하고, 지구가 자신들의 삶의 영역이라고 주장하는 놈들은 미친놈과 년 취급하며, 살해후 영구추방토록 처리규율되었다. 이는 ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조, 플레이아데스규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
자본주의 체제하에서의, 빈부의 격차는, 곧, 모든 것의 격차를 의미하였다. 이는, 단순히 부요함, 부유함, 여유, 풍요만의 문제가 아니었으며, 인간의 삶의 모든 것들에서 "엄청난 격차를 의미하는 것이었다"
심지어는, 영적인 차원, 인간을 넘어서는 다른 차원과 다른 세계에 대한 것까지 차이를 유발하며, 그 결과로서, 이제 영적 연령대가 400만년대에 머무는 어린 영들로서의 지구인들이, 플레이아데스까지 올라오려 들고, 아틀란티스를 우습게 여기는 지경에 이르렀도다.
이는, JEHOVAH의 문제로서, 이 사람의 책임이라고 우리는 보고 있었다.
그리하여 우리는, 현 지구인들이 지구코스를 졸업하는데에는 적어도 800만년에서 천만년이 소요되어야 한다고 처리규율하였다.
인간의 삶은 인간적 이해범위와 인간적 조망의 범위내에서만 처리되어야 하였다. 인간으로 살면서, 인간적 이해범위와 지적, 영적 조망의 범위를 넘어서려고 하는 자들은 모두 살해토록 처리규율되었다.
상위계층이라고 말하지만, 최상위계층의 교육수준은 상상을 불허할 것이었다. 삶의 여유와 풍요는, 과거시대의 제왕급이었다.
우리는 이재용이 같은 놈이, 유체이탈을 하고, 별의 별 짓을 다하고 다니는 꼴을 보았다.
지구촌에서도 후진국에 속하는 한국의 재벌2세 놈이 그 정도였다면, 선진강국의 최상위계층에 속하는 자들이 어느 수준에 있을지는 미뤄 짐작이 가능하였다.
물론 한국놈들은, 우리를 빙자하여, 플레이아데스를 등에 업고 온갖 오만방자한 짓을 다반사로 자행하며, 우리를 이용해 처 먹었다.
공산사회주의 문제는, 매우 중요하며,
자본주의 체제가 지닌 사악함에 대한 하나의 해결점으로 우리에게는 보여졌다.
자본주의 체제는, 문제의 핵심적 요인이, 그 교활함에 있는데, 한마디로 표현한다면 "화중지병적 속임수 전략"들이었다.
게다가 실질적인 삶의 격차는, 상위계층을 제왕급, 군주급으로 만들었으며, 최상위계층과 하위계층의 차이는 하늘과 땅 차이인데, 도대체 과학기술과 산업기술이 고도로 발전했음에도 이는 개선되지 않고 있는데, 그 이유는 그들의 교활성 때문이었다.
"그럴만한 이유가 있어서 그런다"고 말하지만, 우리가 살펴보면, 개소리 잡소리에 불과하였다.
우리가 보건대는, "좋은 것만 찾아서 처 먹고 다니는 놈들이 다수 존재하는데, 이런 놈들은, 잘잘못 여부를 벗어나서, 항상 좋은 것만 찾아 처 먹는다는 점이다" 이에 대해서 어떻게 설명할런지 매우 궁금하였다. 개새끼들아
우리는 종종 우리에게 그 잘난 놈들이 찾아와서, "내가 가르쳐준 것"이라고 주절대는 소리를 듣는데, 향후 그런 주장을 늘어 부을 경우, 즉시 살해토록 처리규율되었다. 이는 우리가 세상이 어떤지 일부 알기에 그렇게 처리규율되었다. 개새끼들아. 이는 ANA-PLEIADES 규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다. 이는 PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
Pleiades Project를 추진했던 지구인들과, Pleiades인 전원을 Pleiades시민권자 보유자에 대한 명예훼손 및 모독(원본래계 및 플레이아데스계의 지구인 원본래적박종권)죄로 ANA-PLEIADES법정에 기소처리되는 것으로 처리규율되었다.이는 ANA-PLEIADES 규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다. 이는 PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
단원정리
株式會社란, 多數의 사람들로부터 자금(資本)을 조달받기 위한 제도로서, 株式公募를 통하여, 여러 다수의 사람들의 출자(주식 한주당 만원, 천원 등 주식액면가를 주고 주식을 산 후, 회사가 이익을 내면, 출자금의 비율에 따라서, 배분을 받는 제도)를 받아서, 기업운영을 위한 자본으로 이용, 사용하는 회사를 의미하였다.
주로, 규모가 큰 사업을 하는 경우인데, 사업의 규모가 크면, 요구되어지는 자금이 커지므로, 개인자본만으로는 큰 사업(제철소, 조선소 등 중화학, 중공업, 항공우주사업, 자동차사업등, 대표적인 사례로는 자동차 사업임)을 할 수 없으므로, 주식공모를 통하여 큰 자본을 조달받기 위하여, 만든 제도였다.
그러므로, 이 제도는, "개인자본으로 운영되는 고전적 개념의 개인적 소유권, 사적소유권이 인정되어지는 자본주의에 해당되지 아니하고, 국가사회자본에 해당되므로, 일체의 오너 OWNER(소유자)제도(?)는 불인정되어지며, 사실상 위법이라고 볼 수 있었다."
따라서 허용되어지는 것은, 대표이사, 즉 대표권자, 대표사장, 대표회장인데, 소유권이 없으며, 경영권만 인정되어지는(경영권 또한, 주주총회를 통하여 적임자를 선정, 선출하는 민주주의 기본원칙에 합치되어지는 방식으로 변경되어야 되었다) 제도의 형태로 변경되어야 되며, 기업자체는, 법적인격을 보유한, 법적인 사람(살아있는 생물체, 생명체로서의 사람은 아니지만, 法的인 人格을 保有한 法的사람으로서 取扱되어지도록 處理되어지며, 이에 대하여 사적소유권이 불허되어지며, 다만 OPERATING만 가능토록 처리규율되어지며, 다만 법적으로는 국가사회(출자자그룹 및 지원그룹 포함)소유로서 간주되도록 처리규율되었다. 현행제도는 좀 더 할머니들과 공부해 보아야 하겠지만, 우리가 아는 바로는, 분명히 법적으로는 개인소유가 될 수 없음에도, 개인소유로 간주하는 형태로 운영되고 있는 모순과 위법성을 지니고 있다고 생각되었다.
자본주의의 핵심적 요체는, 사적소유권의 인정인데, 주식회사는 사적소유를 할 수 없는 구조라는 점이 중요하였다. 만일 사적소유권을 인정받고자 한다면, 비상장으로 운영되어야 마땅할 것으로 생각되었다. OWNER제도 및 재벌가는 불인정토록 처리규율되었다.(개인회사, 합자회사, 합명회사 등등의 형태로 가야 되었다)
그로서 처리규율되었다. 이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다. 규율위배시 무조건 살해토록 처리규율되었다.이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다
어르신, 회장이라는 단어를 사용시에는 무조건 살해토록 처리규율되었다. 대표이사 혹은 대표라는 단어만 사용토록 처리규율되었다. 이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다
단원 정리 2
할머니들과 단원정리를 하였다.
株式額面價에 대한 評價基準에 대한 問題가 提起되었다.
우리가 하도 이상하여, 5大强國(獨逸, 英國, 러시아, 美國, 中國)의 諜報機關에 依賴하여 수사한 결과는, 한국의 삼성그룹 및 기타 회사들이, 주식을 액면가의 무려 7배 이상을 부풀리는 사기질을 쳤다는 것이었다.
게다가 한국의 1인당 GDP는 실제적으로는 ABOUT 12,000US$에 불과하다는 미국첩보기관의 정보 전달이 있었다. 이를 전세계에 공개토록 처리규율되었다. 이는 국가 부의 70%를 해외로 유출시킨 三星그룹과 反逆者 도당들의 叛逆行爲의 結果로서, 국가 부의 70%를 해외로 유출시킨 반역의 무리들을 전원 사형에 처하는 것으로 처리규율되었다. 아울러서, 한국과 같이, 주식액면가를 국가조직차원에서 조작하는 사례를 방지하기 위하여, 국제적인 감시검찰제도를 도입할 것을 처리규율되었다. 국제적인 감시검찰국은 독일연방에 두는 것으로 처리규율되었다.이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다 이건희 삼성그룹회장을 반역혐의로 사형에 처하도록 처리규율되었다.이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다
갈취, 착취, 편취, 공득, 탐천지공, 폭력, 폭행, 무력, 위력, 위박, 침해, 침박, 조롱, 모욕, 모독, 위선, 이중인격, 가식, 감탄고토, 교활, 교힐, 활지, 뺨치기, 때리기, 구타, 하대, 천대, 멸시, 상호존중무시, 상호존중묵살, 생존권 무시, 생존권 묵살, 사생활침해, 감시, 감독, 월권, 월권대리, 스스로 상전행세, 스스로 상전자처, 오만, 교만, 잘난 척, 엘리트주의자들과 차별, 차등주의자들과 계급주의자들은 무조건 살해토록 처리규율되었다.이는 플레이아데스규율제1조, ANA-PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
현행 지구의 자본주의 제도는, 惡魔主義的 非道德性과 非倫理性을 기반으로 하는 크게 잘못된 경제체제라고 정의되었다.
RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR / Bloody Sunday (1905)
Goal(목적, 목표)
To deliver a petition to Tsar Nicholas II, calling for reforms such as: limitations on state officials' power(공무원,관리들의 횡포를 막아달라); improvements to working conditions and hours(근로환경 및 조건을 개선해달라); and the introduction of a national parliament(의회민주제도의 도입)
Georgy Apollonovich Gapon[a] (17 February 1870–10 April 1906) was a Russian Orthodox priest and a popular working-class leader before the Russian Revolution of 1905. After he was discovered to be a police informant, Gapon was murdered by members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party
피의 일요일 사건(Кровавое воскресенье)은 1905년 1월 22일[1] 제정 러시아의 수도 상트페테르부르크에서 발생한 유혈사태를 말한다. 러시아 제국 당시의 수도 상트페테르부르크에서 열린 노동자들의 탄원 집회였다. 니콜라이 2세에게 탄원을 하기 위해 겨울 궁전으로 평화적인 청원 행진을 하는 것을 정부 당국에서 동원한 근위군이 발포하여 다수의 사상자를 낸 사건이다.
불평등한 사회체제로 억눌린 러시아 민중들은 차르 니콜라이 2세의 초상화와 기독교 성화상 그리고 노동자들의 요구를 적은 청원서를 손에 들고 비폭력시위를 벌였는데, 당시 실권자 그리고리 라스푸틴이 유혈진압이라는 가혹한 탄압을 가한 사건이다. 죽은 사람만 500∼600명, 부상자 수천 명이나 된 대규모 유혈사태였다. 주동자는 사회개혁론자이자 러시아 정교회 사제인 게오르기 가폰 신부였다.
피의 일요일의 학살은 ‘1905년 혁명’을 활성화시킨 국면의 시작으로 간주되고 있다. 게다가 1905년 혁명의 시작은 라이오닐 코찬과 같은 사학자는 그의 저서 《1890-1918년 러시아 혁명》(Russia in Revolution 1890-1918)에서 피의 일요일 사건을 1917년 러시아 혁명으로 이끈 핵심 사건으로 간주하고 있다.
1905년 1월 9일 일요일에 개최된 청원 행진은 게오르기 가폰 신부의 주도 하에 진행되었다. 가폰은 러시아 정교회의 사제이자, 국가 비밀경찰의 급여를 받는 공작원이었다고도 전해지고 있다.
청원의 내용은 노동자의 법적 보호, 당시 일본에 완전히 열세가 있었던 러일 전쟁의 중지, 헌법의 제정, 기본적 인권의 확립 등으로 착취, 빈곤, 전쟁에 허덕이던 당시 러시아 민중의 소박한 요구를 대변한 것이었다.
당시 러시아 민중은 러시아 정교회의 영향 하에 황제 숭배의 관념을 가지고 있었다. 이것은 황제의 권력(왕권)은 신으로부터 받은 것이며, 또한 러시아 제국의 황제는 동로마 제국을 계승한 기독교(정교회)의 수호자이라는 사상이다. 따라서 민중은 황제 니콜라이 2세에게 직접 탄원을 하면 정세가 개선된다고 믿었다.
행진에 앞서 거행된 파업에 참가자는 상트페테르부르크의 전체 노동자 18만 명 중 11만 명에 이르렀다고 전해지며, 행진 참가자는 6만 명에 달했다. 당국은 군대를 동원해 시위대를 중심가에 진입시키지 않을 방침이었지만, 너무 인원이 많았기 때문에 진입을 막지 못했고, 군대는 각지에서 비무장 시위대에 발포를 했다.[2]
발포로 인한 사망자 수는 불명확하다. 반정부 운동 측의 보고에서는 4,000명 이상에 이르렀다고 주장한다. 한편, 더 신중하게 추정한 보고에서도 사상자의 수는 1,000명 이상이 된다. 사건은 모스크바 시내로 빠르게 퍼졌으며, 시내 곳곳에서 폭동과 약탈이 이루어졌다.
가폰이 이 사건 이전부터 조직했던 노동자 집회는 당일 해산되었고, 가폰은 즉시 러시아 제국을 떠났다. 가폰은 같은 해 10월에 귀국했다가 이듬해인 1906년 4월에 사회혁명당에 의해 암살되었다.
미국 출신으로 20세기를 대표하는 댄서 이사도라 던컨은 이 사건 이틀 후 페테르부르크를 방문했다가 이 어수선한 상황을 자서전 《나의 생애》(My Life, 1927년)에 기록했다
이 사건의 결과, 황제 숭배의 환상은 깨어졌고, 이후 ‘1905년 러시아 혁명’이라고 불린 전국 규모의 반정부 운동이 발발한 것으로 간주되고 있다. 이때 시작된 러시아의 공산주의 운동은 1917년의 러시아 혁명(2월 혁명, 10월 혁명)의 원동력으로 성장해 간다. 성난 제정 러시아 민중들이 사회주의 혁명인 10월 혁명을 주도하게 됨에 따라 로마노프 왕조의 몰락은 가속화된다
Bloody Sunday or Red Sunday[1] (Russian: Крова́вое воскресе́нье, tr. Krovávoye voskresén'e, IPA: [krɐˈvavəɪ vəskrʲɪˈsʲenʲjɪ]) is the name given to the events of Sunday, 22 January [O.S. 9 January] 1905 in St Petersburg, Russia, when unarmed demonstrators led by Father Georgy Gapon were fired upon by soldiers of the Imperial Guard as they marched towards the Winter Palace to present a petition to Tsar Nicholas II of Russia.
Bloody Sunday caused grave consequences for the Tsarist autocracy governing Imperial Russia: the events in St. Petersburg provoked public outrage and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly to the industrial centres of the Russian Empire. The massacre on Bloody Sunday is considered to be the start of the active phase of the Revolution of 1905. In addition to beginning the 1905 Revolution, historians such as Lionel Kochan in his book Russia in Revolution 1890–1918 view the events of Bloody Sunday to be one of the key events which led to the Russian Revolution of 1917.
카자크의 기원(추측컨대, 비유대계 유대인-비유대계 유대인들이란, 유대인으로 지칭되어지는 이스라엘 민족과 이스라엘 민족외적의 다른 민족들이지만, 공통의 조상, 노아로부터 발원하는 배다른 異腹兄弟격들을 의미하였다)
붉은 색으로 표시되는 국가들, 불가리아, 세르비아, 루마니아, 우크라이나는 아마도, 비유대계 유대인들이 그 종족적 기원이 아닌가 하는 推定을 하였다.
강의 명칭이 "돈 DON"이라고 하였다. 그런데 신기하게도, 한국놈들 언어로는, MONEY가 DON(돈)이었다.
들로 추정되었다. 이들은 아마도, 세르비아 계통과 유사하거나 같을 것으로 추정되었다.)은 불확실하지만, 14세기에서 15세기 사이 드니프로 강의 자포리자 카자크와 돈 강의 돈 카자크가 발생한 것을 대개 그 시작으로 잡는다. 자포리자 카자크는 폴란드-리투아니아의 봉신이었다. 폴란드-리투아니아로부터의 압력이 증가하면서 17세기 중반 보흐단 흐멜니츠키가 흐멜니츠키 봉기라고 부르는 무장 반란을 일으켜 독립을 선언하고 카자크 수장국을 수립했다. 그 뒤 페레야슬라프 조약(1654년)으로 카자크 수장국은 러시아의 세력권에 편입되었다. 한편 돈 카자크는 16세기에 정립되었으며 러시아 차르국과 동맹을 맺었다.
18세기가 되면 러시아 제국의 카자크들은 국경지대인 우크라이나에서 완충지대의 역할을 했다. 러시아 제정은 카자크의 자유와 자치, 독립에 간섭하면서 그들을 길들이려 했다. 이에 카자크들은 스텐카 라진, 콘드라티 불라빈, 이반 마제파, 예멜리안 푸가초프 등을 지도자로 하여 여러 차례 반제정 반란을 일으켰고 일부는 내전 수준으로 비화했다. 러시아 제국은 처형과 고문을 동원하며 이를 모두 무자비하게 진압했다. 1707년-1708년의 불라빈의 난 진압 이후 돈 카자크의 서쪽 자치구가 철폐되었고, 1708년 마제파의 난 진압 이후 바투린의 카자크가 철폐되었다. 1775년 푸가초프의 난이 진압된 뒤에는 드니프로 강 하류 자포리자 카자크가 공식적으로 해산당했다.
18세기 말엽이 되면 카자크 민족은 러시아 제국의 신분제도에서 소슬로비예라는 특수 군사신분을 이루었다. 이는 중세 서유럽의 기사제도와 유사한 것으로서, 카자크들은 군마와 병기 및 보급품을 각자 조달해야 했고 러시아 정부에서는 총기만 보급해 주었다. 민족 자체가 준군사 문화에 의해 규정되었던 만큼 카자크는 18세기-20세기 러시아 제국의 전쟁들(대북방 전쟁, 7년 전쟁, 크림 전쟁, 나폴레옹 전쟁, 코카서스 전쟁, 러시아-페르시아 전쟁, 러시아-튀르크 전쟁, 제1차 세계 대전 등)에 동원되었다. 19세기 말에서 20세기 초 차르주의 정권은 카자크를 폴란드인과 유대인에 대한 포그롬을 수행하게 하는 등 공포정치에 이용했다. 또 국경지대 방어와 제국 내부의 소수민족들 간의 경계 방어에도 카자크가 사용되었다.
제정이 러시아 혁명으로 망한 뒤, 돈 카자크와 쿠반 카자크가 최초로 볼셰비키에 대해 전쟁을 전포함으로써 내전이 시작되었다. 1918년이 되면 카자크들은 완전히 독립적인 상태가 되어 우크라이나국, 돈 공화국, 쿠반 인민공화국 등 자기들의 국민국가를 세웠다. 카자크 병력과 카자크 국가들은 반볼셰비키 백군의 주축을 이루었다. 내전이 볼셰비키의 승리로 끝나면서 과거 카자크들이 살던 지역에서는 카자크 말살정책이 실시되었다.
2010년 러시아 연방의 인구조사에서는 카자크가 별개의 민족으로 취급되고 있다
Cossacks (Belarusian: казакi, Czecho-Slovak: kozáci, Hungarian: kozákok, Polish: Kozacy, Russian: казаки́, Ukrainian: козаки́ [nb 1]) were a group of predominantly East Slavic-speaking people who became known as members of democratic, self-governing, semi-military communities, predominantly located in Eastern and Southern Ukraine and in Southern Russia.[1] They inhabited sparsely populated areas and islands in the lower Dnieper,[2] Don, Terek and Ural river basins and played an important role in the historical and cultural development of both Ukraine and Russia.[3][4]
The origins of the first Cossacks are disputed, though the 1710 Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk claimed Khazar origin.[nb 2] The emergence of Cossacks is dated to the 14th or 15th centuries, when two connected groups emerged, the Zaporozhian Sich of the Dnieper and the Don Cossack Host.[nb 3]
The Zaporizhian Sich were a vassal people of Poland–Lithuania during feudal times. Under increasing pressure from the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, in the mid-17th century the Sich declared an independent Cossack Hetmanate, initiated by a rebellion under Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Afterwards, the Treaty of Pereyaslav (1654) brought most of the Cossack state under Russian rule.[5] The Sich with its lands became an autonomous region under the Russian-Polish protectorate.[6]
The Don Cossack Host, which had been established by the 16th century,[7] allied with the Tsardom of Russia. Together they began a systematic conquest and colonisation of lands in order to secure the borders on the Volga, the whole of Siberia (see Yermak Timofeyevich) and the Yaik (Ural) and the Terek rivers. Cossack communities had developed along the latter two rivers well before the arrival of the Don Cossacks.[8]
By the 18th century Cossack hosts in the Russian Empire occupied effective buffer zones on its borders. The expansionist ambitions of the Empire relied on ensuring the loyalty of Cossacks, which caused tension given their traditional exercise of freedom, democracy, self-rule, and independence. Cossacks such as Stenka Razin, Kondraty Bulavin, Ivan Mazepa and Yemelyan Pugachev led major anti-imperial wars and revolutions in the Empire in order to abolish slavery and odious bureaucracy and to maintain independence. The empire responded with ruthless executions and tortures, the destruction of the western part of the Don Cossack Host during the Bulavin Rebellion in 1707–08, the destruction of Baturyn after Mazepa's rebellion in 1708,[nb 4] and the formal dissolution of the Lower Dnieper Zaporozhian Host in 1775, after Pugachev's Rebellion.[nb 5]
By the end of the 18th century Cossack nations had been transformed into a special military estate (Sosloviye), "a military class".[nb 6] Similar to the knights of medieval Europe in feudal times or the tribal Roman auxiliaries, the Cossacks came to military service having to obtain charger horses, arms and supplies at their own expense. The government provided only firearms and supplies for them.[nb 7] Cossack service was considered the most rigorous one.
Because of their military tradition, Cossack forces played an important role in Russia's wars of the 18th–20th centuries, such as the Great Northern War, the Seven Years' War, the Crimean War, Napoleonic Wars, the Caucasus War, numerous Russo-Persian Wars, numerous Russo-Turkish Wars and the First World War. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Tsarist regime used Cossacks extensively to perform police service.[nb 8] They also served as border guards on national and internal ethnic borders (as was the case in the Caucasus War).
During the Russian Civil War, Don and Kuban Cossacks were the first people to declare open war against the Bolsheviks. By 1918 Russian Cossacks declared the complete independence and formed independent states, the Don Republic and the Kuban People's Republic. Also the Ukrainian State emerged. Cossack troops formed the effective core of the anti-Bolshevik White Army, and Cossack republics became centers for the anti-Bolshevik White movement. With the victory of the Red Army, the Cossack lands were subjected to Decossackization and the Holodomor. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Cossacks made a systematic return to Russia. Many took an active part in post-Soviet conflicts. In Russia's 2002 Population Census, 140,028 people reported their ethnicity as Cossacks.[nb 9] There are Cossack organizations in Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus and the United States.[9
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象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾之的的的的的的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左上的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左上的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左上的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左上的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的的的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左上的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾之的的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾之的的的的的的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的的的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾之的的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾之的的的的的的的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的的的的的的的之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左下的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左側之對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的自我的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的注視的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的AVATAR體的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的注視的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左側的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的左右側的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的上下側的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的前後側的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的斜傾側的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的頭頸部的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的顔面體的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的頭丁部的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的顔面體的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的頭部的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的顔面體的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的頸骨的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的男性器的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的心眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的心的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的靈眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的靈的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的意識體的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的意識的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的手眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的手的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的掌眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的掌的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的譬眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的譬的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的腕眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的腕的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的眼的對象的關係的關聯的聯關的解釋的註釋的對象的
的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的庶子的的及的的徧的的浹的的이서현的的及的的徧的的浹的的洪羅喜的的及的的徧的的浹的的李在鎔的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的無條件的的及的的徧的的浹的的殺害的的及的的徧的的浹的的除去的的及的的徧的的浹的的消滅的的及的的徧的的浹的的持續的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的恒久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永遠的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的무한(無限) 반복(反復)的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的諸一切的的及的的徧的的浹的的ether醚的的及的的徧的的浹的的體的的及的的徧的的浹的的無關係的的及的的徧的的浹的的dependence (up)on的的及的的徧的的浹的的Pleiades的的及的的徧的的浹的的su·preme的的及的的徧的的浹的的being的的及的的徧的的浹的的Democracy (Greek: δημοκρατία dēmokratía, literally "Rule by 'People'") is a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and vote directly on each issue. In a representative democracy the citizens elect representatives from among themselves. These representatives meet to form a governing body, such as a legislature. In a constitutional democracy the powers of the majority are exercised within the framework of a representative democracy, but the constitution limits the majority and protects the minority, usually through the enjoyment by all of certain individual rights, e.g. freedom of speech, or freedom of association.[1][2] "Rule of the majority" is sometimes referred to as democracy.[3] Democracy is a system of processing conflicts in which outcomes depend on what participants do, but no single force controls what occurs and its outcomes.
The uncertainty of outcomes is inherent in democracy, which makes all forces struggle repeatedly for the realization of their interests, being the devolution of power from a group of people to a set of rules.[4] Western democracy, as distinct from that which existed in pre-modern societies, is generally considered to have originated in city-states such as Classical Athens and the Roman Republic, where various schemes and degrees of enfranchisement of the free male population were observed before the form disappeared in the West at the beginning of late antiquity. The English word dates back to the 16th century, from the older Middle French and Middle Latin equivalents.
According to American political scientist Larry Diamond, democracy consists of four key elements: a political system for choosing and replacing the government through free and fair elections; the active participation of the people, as citizens, in politics and civic life; protection of the human rights of all citizens; a rule of law, in which the laws and procedures apply equally to all citizens.[5] Todd Landman, nevertheless, draws our attention to the fact that democracy and human rights are two different concepts and that "there must be greater specificity in the conceptualisation and operationalization of democracy and human rights".[6]
The term appeared in the 5th century BC to denote the political systems then existing in Greek city-states, notably Athens, to mean "rule of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "rule of an elite". While theoretically these definitions are in opposition, in practice the distinction has been blurred historically.[7] The political system of Classical Athens, for example, granted democratic citizenship to free men and excluded slaves and women from political participation. In virtually all democratic governments throughout ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship consisted of an elite class, until full enfranchisement was won for all adult citizens in most modern democracies through the suffrage movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Democracy contrasts with forms of government where power is either held by an individual, as in an absolute monarchy, or where power is held by a small number of individuals, as in an oligarchy. Nevertheless, these oppositions, inherited from Greek philosophy,[8] are now ambiguous because contemporary governments have mixed democratic, oligarchic and monarchic elements. Karl Popper defined democracy in contrast to dictatorship or tyranny, thus focusing on opportunities for the people to control their leaders and to oust them without the need for a revolution.[
A republic (Latin: res publica) is a form of government in which the country is considered a “public matter”, not the private concern or property of the rulers. The primary positions of power within a republic are not inherited, but are attained through democracy, oligarchy or autocracy. It is a form of government under which the head of state is not a hereditary monarch.[1][2][3]
In the context of American constitutional law, the definition of republic refers specifically to a form of government in which elected individuals represent the citizen body[2][better source needed] and exercise power according to the rule of law under a constitution, including separation of powers with an elected head of state, referred to as a constitutional republic[4][5][6][7] or representative democracy.[8]
As of 2017[update], 159 of the world’s 206 sovereign states use the word “republic” as part of their official names – not all of these are republics in the sense of having elected governments, nor is the word “republic” used in the names of all nations with elected governments. While heads of state often tend to claim that they rule only by the “consent of the governed”, elections in some countries have been found to be held more for the purpose of “show” than for the actual purpose of in reality providing citizens with any genuine ability to choose their own leaders.[9]
The word republic comes from the Latin term res publica, which literally means “public thing,” “public matter,” or “public affair” and was used to refer to the state as a whole. The term developed its modern meaning in reference to the constitution of the ancient Roman Republic, lasting from the overthrow of the kings in 509 B.C. to the establishment of the Empire in 27 B.C. This constitution was characterized by a Senate composed of wealthy aristocrats and wielding significant influence; several popular assemblies of all free citizens, possessing the power to elect magistrates and pass laws; and a series of magistracies with varying types of civil and political authority.
Most often a republic is a single sovereign state, but there are also sub-sovereign state entities that are referred to as republics, or that have governments that are described as “republican” in nature. For instance, Article IV of the United States Constitution "guarantee[s] to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government".[10] In contrast, the former Soviet Union, which described itself as being a group of “Republics” and also as a “federal multinational state composed of 15 republics”, was widely viewed as being a totalitarian form of government and not a genuine republic, since its electoral system was structured so as to automatically guarantee the election of government-sponsored candidates.[
The term originates from the Latin translation of Greek word politeia. Cicero, among other Latin writers, translated politeia as res publica and it was in turn translated by Renaissance scholars as "republic" (or similar terms in various western European languages).[citation needed]
The term politeia can be translated as form of government, polity, or regime and is therefore not always a word for a specific type of regime as the modern word republic is. One of Plato's major works on political science was titled Politeia and in English it is thus known as The Republic. However, apart from the title, in modern translations of The Republic, alternative translations of politeia are also used.[12]
However, in Book III of his Politics, Aristotle was apparently the first classical writer to state that the term politeia can be used to refer more specifically to one type of politeia: "When the citizens at large govern for the public good, it is called by the name common to all governments (to koinon onoma pasōn tōn politeiōn), government (politeia)". Also amongst classical Latin, the term "republic" can be used in a general way to refer to any regime, or in a specific way to refer to governments which work for the public good.[13]
In medieval Northern Italy, a number of city states had commune or signoria based governments. In the late Middle Ages, writers such as Giovanni Villani began writing about the nature of these states and the differences from other types of regime. They used terms such as libertas populi, a free people, to describe the states. The terminology changed in the 15th century as the renewed interest in the writings of Ancient Rome caused writers to prefer using classical terminology. To describe non-monarchical states writers, most importantly Leonardo Bruni, adopted the Latin phrase res publica.[14]
While Bruni and Machiavelli used the term to describe the states of Northern Italy, which were not monarchies, the term res publica has a set of interrelated meanings in the original Latin. The term can quite literally be translated as "public matter".[15] It was most often used by Roman writers to refer to the state and government, even during the period of the Roman Empire.[16]
In subsequent centuries, the English word "commonwealth" came to be used as a translation of res publica, and its use in English was comparable to how the Romans used the term res publica.[17] Notably, during The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell the word commonwealth was the most common term to call the new monarchless state, but the word republic was also in common use.[18] Likewise, in Polish the term was translated as rzeczpospolita, although the translation is now only used with respect to Poland.
Presently, the term "republic" commonly means a system of government which derives its power from the people rather than from another basis, such as heredity or divine right.[
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit.[1][2][3][4] Characteristics central to capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labor, voluntary exchange, a price system, and competitive markets.[5][6] In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by every owner of wealth, property or production ability in financial and capital markets, whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are mainly determined by competition in goods and services markets.[7][8]
Economists, political economists, sociologists and historians have adopted different perspectives in their analyses of capitalism and have recognized various forms of it in practice. These include laissez-faire or free market capitalism, welfare capitalism and state capitalism. Different forms of capitalism feature varying degrees of free markets, public ownership,[9] obstacles to free competition and state-sanctioned social policies. The degree of competition in markets, the role of intervention and regulation, and the scope of state ownership vary across different models of capitalism.[10][11] The extent to which different markets are free as well as the rules defining private property are matters of politics and policy. Most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention and in some cases economic planning.[12]
Market economies have existed under many forms of government and in many different times, places and cultures. Modern capitalist societies—marked by a universalization of money-based social relations, a consistently large and system-wide class of workers who must work for wages, and a capitalist class which owns the means of production—developed in Western Europe in a process that led to the Industrial Revolution. Capitalist systems with varying degrees of direct government intervention have since become dominant in the Western world and continue to spread. Over time, capitalist countries have experienced consistent economic growth and an increase in the standard of living.
Critics of capitalism argue that it establishes power in the hands of a minority capitalist class that exists through the exploitation of the majority working class and their labor; prioritizes profit over social good, natural resources and the environment; and is an engine of inequality, corruption and economic instabilities. Supporters argue that it provides better products and innovation through competition, disperses wealth to all productive people, promotes pluralism and decentralization of power, creates strong economic growth, and yields productivity and prosperity that greatly benefit society
The term "capitalist", meaning an owner of capital, appears earlier than the term "capitalism" and it dates back to the mid-17th century. "Capitalism" is derived from capital, which evolved from capitale, a late Latin word based on caput, meaning "head"—also the origin of "chattel" and "cattle" in the sense of movable property (only much later to refer only to livestock). Capitale emerged in the 12th to 13th centuries in the sense of referring to funds, stock of merchandise, sum of money or money carrying interest.[24]:232[25][26] By 1283, it was used in the sense of the capital assets of a trading firm and it was frequently interchanged with a number of other words—wealth, money, funds, goods, assets, property and so on.[24]:233
The Hollandische Mercurius uses "capitalists" in 1633 and 1654 to refer to owners of capital.[24]:234 In French, Étienne Clavier referred to capitalistes in 1788,[27] six years before its first recorded English usage by Arthur Young in his work Travels in France (1792).[26][28] In his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), David Ricardo referred to "the capitalist" many times.[29] Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an English poet, used "capitalist" in his work Table Talk (1823).[30] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon used the term "capitalist" in his first work, What is Property? (1840), to refer to the owners of capital. Benjamin Disraeli used the term "capitalist" in his 1845 work Sybil.[26]
The initial usage of the term "capitalism" in its modern sense has been attributed to Louis Blanc in 1850 ("What I call 'capitalism' that is to say the appropriation of capital by some to the exclusion of others") and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1861 ("Economic and social regime in which capital, the source of income, does not generally belong to those who make it work through their labour").[24]:237 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels referred to the "capitalistic system"[31][32] and to the "capitalist mode of production" in Capital (1867).[33] The use of the word "capitalism" in reference to an economic system appears twice in Volume I of Capital, p. 124 (German edition) and in Theories of Surplus Value, tome II, p. 493 (German edition). Marx did not extensively use the form capitalism, but instead those of capitalist and capitalist mode of production, which appear more than 2,600 times in the trilogy The Capital. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the term "capitalism" first appeared in English in 1854 in the novel The Newcomes by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray, where he meant "having ownership of capital".[34] Also according to the OED, Carl Adolph Douai, a German American socialist and abolitionist, used the phrase "private capitalism" in 1863.
The rule of law is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as: "The authority and influence of law in society, especially when viewed as a constraint on individual and institutional behavior; (hence) the principle whereby all members of a society (including those in government) are considered equally subject to publicly disclosed legal codes and processes."[2] The phrase "the rule of law" refers to a political situation, not to any specific legal rule.
Use of the phrase can be traced to 16th-century Britain, and in the following century the Scottish theologian Samuel Rutherford employed it in arguing against the divine right of kings.[3] John Locke wrote that freedom in society means being subject only to laws made by a legislature that apply to everyone, with a person being otherwise free from both governmental and private restrictions upon liberty. "The rule of law" was further popularized in the 19th century by British jurist A. V. Dicey. However, the principle, if not the phrase itself, was recognized by ancient thinkers; for example, Aristotle wrote: "It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens".[4]
The rule of law implies that every person is subject to the law, including people who are lawmakers, law enforcement officials, and judges.[5] In this sense, it stands in contrast to a monarchy or oligarchy where the rulers are held above the law.[citation needed] Lack of the rule of law can be found in both democracies and monarchies, for example, because of neglect or ignorance of the law, and the rule of law is more apt to decay if a government has insufficient corrective mechanisms for restoring it.
Ethics or moral philosophy is a branch of philosophy that involves systematizing, defending, and recommending concepts of right and wrong conduct.[1] The field of ethics, along with aesthetics, concerns matters of value, and thus comprises the branch of philosophy called axiology.[2]
Ethics seeks to resolve questions of human morality by defining concepts such as good and evil, right and wrong, virtue and vice, justice and crime. As a field of intellectual inquiry, moral philosophy also is related to the fields of moral psychology, descriptive ethics, and value theory.
Three major areas of study within ethics recognized today are:[1]
- Meta-ethics, concerning the theoretical meaning and reference of moral propositions, and how their truth values (if any) can be determined
- Normative ethics, concerning the practical means of determining a moral course of action
- Applied ethics, concerning what a person is obligated (or permitted) to do in a specific situation or a particular domain of action[1]
觀自在菩薩 行深般若波羅蜜多時 照見五蘊皆空 度一切苦厄
관자재보살(관세음보살)이 반야바라밀다(부처님의 지혜)를 행할때 오온이 모두 비어 있음을 비추어 보시고 하나이자 전부인 온갖 괴로움과 재앙을 건넜다.
舍利子 色不異空 空不異色 色卽是空 空卽是色 受想行識 亦復如是
사리자여, 물질이 공(空)과 다르지 않고 공이 물질과 다르지 않으며 물질이 곧 공이요, 공이 곧 물질이다. 느낌, 생각과 지어감, 의식 또한 그러하니라.
舍利子 是諸法空相 不生不滅 不垢不淨 不增不減
사리자여, 이 모든 법은 나지도 않고 멸하지도 않으며, 더럽지도 않고 깨끗하지도 않으며, 늘지도 줄지도 않느니라
是故 空中無色無受想行識 無眼耳鼻舌身意 無色聲香味觸法 無眼界 乃至 無意識界
그러므로 공 가운데는 색이 없고 수 상 행 식도 없으며, 안이비설신의도 없고, 색성향미촉법도 없으며, 눈의 경계도 의식의 경계까지도 없으며
無無明 亦無無明盡 乃至 無老死 亦無老死盡
무명도 무명이 다함까지도 없으며, 늙고 죽음도 늙고 죽음이 다함까지도 없고
無苦集滅道 無智 亦無得 以無所得故 菩提薩陀 依般若波羅蜜多
고집멸도도 없으며, 지혜도 얻음도 없느리라. 얻을것이 없는 까닭에 보살은 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로
故心無罣碍 無罣碍故 無有恐怖 遠離 (一切) 顚倒夢想 究竟涅槃
마음에 걸림이 없고, 걸림이 없으므로 두려움이 없어서 뒤바뀐 헛된 생각을 멀리 떠나 완전한 열반에 들어가며
三世諸佛依般若波羅蜜多 故得阿耨多羅三藐三菩提 故知般若波羅蜜多 是大神呪 是大明呪 是無上呪 是無等等呪 能除一切苦 眞實不虛
삼세의 모든 부처님도 이 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로 최상의 깨달음을 얻느니라. 반야바라밀다는 가장 신비하고 밝은 주문이며, 위없는 주문이며, 무엇과도 견줄 수 없는 주문이니, 온갖 괴로움을 없애고 진실하여 허망하지 않음을 알지니라.
故說般若波羅蜜多呪 卽說呪曰
이제 반야바라밀다주를 말하리라.
揭諦揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶(3)
'아제아제 바라아제 바라승아제 모지 사바하'(3)
(Gate Gate paragate parasamgate Bodhi Svaha:가테 가테 파라가테 파라삼가테 보디 스바하)
가자, 가자, 피안(彼岸)으로 가자, 피안으로 넘어가자, 영원한 깨달음이여的的及的的遍的的民主主義的的及的的遍的的
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