Windows of the mus·ing - Communism/thinking & value 9.Historical materialism 유물사관
USSR 소비에트 사회주의 공화국 열병식 : 공산사회주의의 이념과 사상이 엿보인다.
북조선 공화국 열병식 : 공산사회주의의 이념과 사상이 엿보인다.
改革, 開放以後의 러시아 共和國 閱兵式 : 變節者들, 共産社會主義도 아니고, 資本主義도 아니지만, 자본주의 국가의 기름끼 낀 느끼한 느낌의 열병식(韓國軍과 비슷하다) 칼 마르크스, 레닌의 열정은 사라져 버린지 오래이다. 우리는 개혁과 개방이후의 러시아 공화국에 대해서도 공부할 예정이다. 현대의 러시아는 變節者 集團이며, 레닌 이후로는 대체적으로는 원본래적 사상을 분실한 것으로 생각되었다.
巧妙,狡猾性은 人間이 지닌 元本來的 天性에 해당되기도 하는데, 특히, 분명히 自己自身本人으로서의 자기자신본인의 子息이 아님에도, 자기자신본인의 자식을 僞僞形시키는 형태로, 똑같이 연결, 중첩, 첩첩, 관계, 관련, 연계, 공유, 분기, 연관, 침윤, 침식, 침손, 침해시키는 수법으로, 똑 같은 자기자신본인의 자식인것처럼 착각하게 하고 자기자신본인을 분실하게 하며, 그러한 자로서 가져지게 되어진 문제들을 자기자신본인들이 해결해 준다면서, 부부관계, 가족애관계, 섹스관계, 기타적 남녀적애정적표현적나눔적교접적교합적성교적애욕적문제에 관여하여, 자기자신본인이 부모로서 그러한 자의 자식의 문제를 해결해준다며 언행하고 행위하는 자들은(그러한 가운데, 실제적인 자기자신본인으로서의 주인공으로서의 자기자신본인적자아, 자기자신본인적실체, 자기자신본인적주체, 자기자신본인적의식체, 자기자신본인적아, 자기자신본인적핵심적자아에 대해서는 그러한 혜택(?) 혹은 문제해결을 위한 행위의 결과를 받지 못하게 하면서도, 그러한 자가 그러한 혜택 혹은 자비를 받은 것처럼 위위형시키고, 위위장시키며, 위포장시키고, 위위포장적 언행과 태도를 일삼는 자들에 대해서는(그러면서도 그러한 자로서의 자기자신본인의 실제적자식에 대해서는 그러한 혜택을 받는 가운데, 그보다 못한 점들을 그러한 피해를 보는 자로부터 배우고 익히며, 더 나은 그러한 자기자신본인적 자식을 만들려 하며, 그러한 피해를 보는 자로부터 그러한 자가 지닌 모든 것들을 도둑질 강도질 강탈질하여 그러한 자로서의 자기자신본인과 그러한 자로서의 자기자신본인적 자식들에게 나눠주며, 그러한 가운데 또 우리가 그러한 자로서의 자기자신본인으로서 그러한 피해를 입고 있음에도 불구하고 그러한 피해를 입고 있는 주체적 자아로서의 그러한 자에게 은혜를 베풀며, 자비심을 베풀며, 문제를 해결해 주도록 도와주었다고 개소리를 일삼고 다른 자들로 하여금 그렇게 여기도록 교묘하게 위위장 위포장 위위형시키는 개만도 못한 년놈들에 대하여, 모두 무조건 살해처리되어지며, 향후 1백만년간 섹스, 성교, 남녀간 애욕을 전혀 하지 못하는 중벌에 처하게 되리라. 이는 ANA-PLEIADES 규율제1조, PLEIADES규율제1조로서 처리규율되었다.
Windows of the mus·ing - Communism/thinking & value 9.
Historical materialism
SOUTH KOREA의 實質的 GDP는 여러 意見에 의하면 ABOUT 12,000US$로 推定되었다. 이는 國富의 70%가 海外로 流出된 結果値일 것으로 推算되었다.
The middle class per country (in million adults)
Richest 10% of Britons now control more than half the country's wealth
最上位 富裕層들이 國家 富의 折半을 占有한다는 데이터였다.이는 生産性이 과거 産業革命以前 대비 200배이상 증가했지만, 여전히 대다수의 사람들이 生存不安에 시달리는 이유가 될 것이었다.
I wonder how many Americans realize we are the wealthiest nation in the world by a wide margin?
美國은 전세계 부요함의 25.4%를 점유하는 독보적 부유국이었다. 경제대국 獨逸이 고작 4.7%인 것은 매우 놀라운 일이었다.(일본 9.9%) 그럼에도 불구하고 日本은 福地後進國이자, 아시아를 망친 非模範的 先進國(後進國)으로 여겨지는 理由는 무엇인지 모를 일이었다. 독일의 국가사회주의적 복지체계와 일본체계의 비교는 매우 흥미로운 일이였다.
Democracy (Greek: δημοκρατία dēmokratía, literally "Rule by 'People'") is a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and vote directly on each issue. In a representative democracy the citizens elect representatives from among themselves. These representatives meet to form a governing body, such as a legislature. In a constitutional democracy the powers of the majority are exercised within the framework of a representative democracy, but the constitution limits the majority and protects the minority, usually through the enjoyment by all of certain individual rights, e.g. freedom of speech, or freedom of association.[1][2] "Rule of the majority" is sometimes referred to as democracy.[3] Democracy is a system of processing conflicts in which outcomes depend on what participants do, but no single force controls what occurs and its outcomes.
The uncertainty of outcomes is inherent in democracy, which makes all forces struggle repeatedly for the realization of their interests, being the devolution of power from a group of people to a set of rules.[4] Western democracy, as distinct from that which existed in pre-modern societies, is generally considered to have originated in city-states such as Classical Athens and the Roman Republic, where various schemes and degrees of enfranchisement of the free male population were observed before the form disappeared in the West at the beginning of late antiquity. The English word dates back to the 16th century, from the older Middle French and Middle Latin equivalents.
According to American political scientist Larry Diamond, democracy consists of four key elements: a political system for choosing and replacing the government through free and fair elections; the active participation of the people, as citizens, in politics and civic life; protection of the human rights of all citizens; a rule of law, in which the laws and procedures apply equally to all citizens.[5] Todd Landman, nevertheless, draws our attention to the fact that democracy and human rights are two different concepts and that "there must be greater specificity in the conceptualisation and operationalization of democracy and human rights".[6]
The term appeared in the 5th century BC to denote the political systems then existing in Greek city-states, notably Athens, to mean "rule of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "rule of an elite". While theoretically these definitions are in opposition, in practice the distinction has been blurred historically.[7] The political system of Classical Athens, for example, granted democratic citizenship to free men and excluded slaves and women from political participation. In virtually all democratic governments throughout ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship consisted of an elite class, until full enfranchisement was won for all adult citizens in most modern democracies through the suffrage movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Democracy contrasts with forms of government where power is either held by an individual, as in an absolute monarchy, or where power is held by a small number of individuals, as in an oligarchy. Nevertheless, these oppositions, inherited from Greek philosophy,[8] are now ambiguous because contemporary governments have mixed democratic, oligarchic and monarchic elements. Karl Popper defined democracy in contrast to dictatorship or tyranny, thus focusing on opportunities for the people to control their leaders and to oust them without the need for a revolution.[9]
共産社會主義
본 시리즈는 다만 취미활동의 일환으로서 작성되었다. 이는 할머니, 할아버지들도 아시게끔 하고자 하는 의도가 포함되었다.(경제와 정치) This series got as a hobby
Historical materialism (also materialist conception of history) is a methodology used by some communist and Marxist historiographers that focuses on human societies and their development through history, arguing that history is the result of material conditions rather than ideas. This was first articulated by Karl Marx (1818–1883) as the "materialist conception of history."[1] It is principally a theory of history which asserts that the material conditions of a society's mode of production or in Marxist terms, the union of a society's productive forces and relations of production, fundamentally determine society's organization and development. Historical materialism is an example of Marx and Engel's scientific socialism, attempting to show that socialism and communism are scientific necessities rather than philosophical ideals.[2]
Historical materialism is materialist as it does not believe that history has been driven by individual's consciousness or ideals, but rather ascribes to the philosophical monism that matter is the fundamental substance of nature and henceforth the driving force in all of world history; this drove Marx and other historical materialists to abandon ideas such as rights (e.g. "right to life, liberty, and property" as liberalism professed). In contrast, idealists believe that human consciousness creates reality rather than the materialist conception that material reality creates human consciousness. This put Marx in direct conflict with people like Max Stirner and liberals who believed that reality was governed by some set of ideals.[3]
Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence. -Karl Marx, The German Ideology[4]Historical materialism looks for the causes of developments and changes in human society in the means by which humans collectively produce the necessities of life. It posits that social classes and the relationship between them, along with the political structures and ways of thinking in society, are founded on and reflect contemporary economic activity.[5]
Since Marx's time, the theory has been modified and expanded by Marxist writers. It now has many Marxist and non-Marxist variants. Many Marxists contend that historical materialism is a scientific approach to the study of history.[6]
유물사관(唯物史觀)은 마르크스·엥겔스가 주장한 유물론적인 역사해석의 체계이다. 사적 유물론(史的唯物論), 역사 유물론이라고도 한다.[1]
역사 유물론과 과학적 공산주의에 따르면 역사는 원시적 공산주의, 고대 노예제, 중세 봉건제, 근대 자본주의를 거쳐 궁극적으로 인간 사회가 공산주의에 이르게 된다고 주장한다.
또한 특이한 점은 다른 사관들은 주로 역사의 해석과정에서 인물, 사건 등을 중시하는 경향이 강한데 반해 역사 유물론에서는 생산 수단과 생산량이 역사의 해석 과정중 가장 중요한 것으로 본다.
-> 먹고 사는 문제가 제일의 話頭이며, 解決課題인 것은, AD2018YEAR기준으로 여전히 유효하며, 먹고 사는 문제로 사람의 자유를 억압하고 통제하려는 인간존재들의 권력에의 욕구, 욕망은 여전히 과거와 다를바가 없다. 그러므로 칼 마르크스의 이론처럼, "먹고 사는 문제, 즉, 생산수단과 생산량이 인간역사의 해석과정에서 가장 중요한 요인이라는 해석은 매우 옳다고 생각되었다. 여기서 말하는 생산수단(공장, 농장, 회사조직, 자본, 노동력, 기술등의 제반적 요인, 요소들), 생산량 (연간 곡물생산량, 시간당 자동차 생산댓수 등, 시간단위로 보았을 때, 혹은 월, 년으로 보았을 때의 생산치, 생산량이 많을 수록 가격은 저렴해지고, 삶은 풍요로워진다.)은, 결국 "먹고 사는 문제"를 좌지우지하는데, 이것이 세상살이에서 가장 중요한 FACTOR라는 것은 할머니, 할아버지들도 알고 계시리라 생각되었다. 그러므로 이들의 주장과 논리는 매우 옳다고 생각되었다.
U-Bahn U2 Berlin
생산 수단을 소유한 자와 소유하지 못한자로 계급이 발생한다고 보며 역사를 끊임없는 투쟁의 역사로 바라보는 갈등론적 관점을 가진다.
-> 생산수단, 즉, 자본을 가진자(부유한 사람들, 예를 든다면 지주들 혹은 돈을 많이 가진 부자들)들이어야만, 회사조직, 공장, 노동력 혹은 농장등을 소유할 수 있으며, 이러한 사람들을 우리는 회장님, 사장님이라고 부른다. 그리고 이 사람들에 의존되어져, 수많은 사람들이 먹고 사는 문제를 해결하게 되는데, 필연적으로 높고 낮음이 발생되어지고, 가진 자들의 의지에 따라서 사람들의 생존이 결정되는 문제가 생겨나며, 이를 통하여 갈등과 투쟁이 시작된다는 주장이다. 이는 매우 옳은 주장이었다. 예를 들어서, 사장의 의지에 따라서 종업원, 직원들은 해고되거나 좌천될 수 있으며, 그로서 생존이 위협받게 된다. 또한 회장, 사장으로서의 가진 자들은, 특별한 계층, 상류계층으로서, 과거 봉건왕조시대의 귀족으로서 대우받고, 생존을 담보로 한 권력을 휘두르게 될 것이었다. 이는 현대사회에서도 그대로 적용되는 것으로서, 칼 마르크스의 이론은 매우 정당하고 올바른 역사에 대한 해석으로 생각되었다. 資本主義 제도가, 封建王朝制度의 巧妙한 僞僞變形的 制度라는 것은 주지의 사실이었다.
Yes I am, and the subway is jam packed!
마르크스와 엥겔스는 자본주의 사회 또는 사유재산제를 생각할 때에도 그것은 인간사회에서 떼어낼 수 없는 제도가 아니라 어느 시기에 역사적으로 성립하고 변화하고 발전되어 온 것으로서 언젠가는 소멸한다고 보았다.
변증법적 유물론의 견해를 인간사회의 역사에 입각해서 고찰한 것이 ‘사적 유물론’이다. 그리고 이 이론은 실증적 연구와 상호관계를 맺으면서, 인류의 사회가 아직 계급 차별이나 빈부 차별이 없었던 원시공동체 시기로부터 빈부의 차, 사유재산제가 조금씩 생긴 고대노예제로 나아가 여기에 비로소 계급사회가 성립한 것, 또한 봉건제 사회가 생기고 이를 이어서 자본주의 사회에 이르기까지의 과정을 실증적·이론적으로 분명히 규명하려고 하였다. 그뿐 아니라 자본주의 사회를 계급적인 대립이나 차별이 없는 사회주의 사회로 전환시키는 것은 프롤레타리아트의 힘이며, 특히 조직된 프롤레타리아트 및 그 전위인 정당의 힘에 의해 새로운 사회가 출현할 것을 예언하였다
역사해석에 있어서 물질적 생산력을 그 인과적 요인 중 가장 중요시하는 역사관이며, 세계정신(Welt geist)의 자기 전개과정이 역사라고 주장한 헤겔류의 관념사관과 반대된다. 즉 마르크스·엥겔스에 의하면 역사를 발전시키는 원동력은 인간의 의식이나 관념이 아니라 물질적 생산양식이란 것이다.[1]
-> ABOUT 90%의 보통사람들은, 등 따뜻하고 배가 부르면 행복하게 산다. 먹을 것이 있고, 누울 곳이 있고, 가족과 함께 잘 살 수 있으면 대부분의 사람들은 만족할 것이었다. 인류의 역사를 살펴본다면 帝國主義를 비롯하여 資本主義, 왕정제도등 대부분의 제도와 주의, 주장들은, 이익, 이득과 관련되어지는 것들로서, 결국에는, 풍요함과 번영됨의 추종의 결과인데, 풍요와 번영이란, 결국 "물질적 생산력"과 깊은 연관관계를 가질 것이었다.
생산력의 발전단계는 그 시대마다 노동도구의 발달 단계로 표현되기 때문에 유물사관에는 생산기술 발달에 중점을 두는 태도가 있다. 그러나 유물사관의 중심은 인간이 생산에 참가할 때는 사회적이 되며 따라서 일정한 생산관계 속으로 들어간다는 것이다.
여기서 생산관계란 것은 생산력의 일정한 발전단계에 대응하는 사회관계인데, 그 관계는 주로 그 사회의 주된 생산수단을 소유한 자와 소유하지 못한 자 사이의 계급관계로 표현된다. 이러한 생산관계가 변하면 전 사회구성체로 변화한다는 점에서 생산력과 생산관계는 토대이며 그 위에 법률적·정치적 상부구조가 생긴다는 것이다.
-> 생산수단을 소유한 자(왕, 봉건왕조의 귀족들, 지주, 현대자본주의 사회의 회사오너들)들과, 소유하지 못한 자들(일반보통시민들, 국민들)은, 결국 상하의 지위적 차별이 생기며, 이는 결국 계급관계이다.
생산력과 생산관계가 변하면, 즉, 생산력과 관련되는 기술의 발전, 전쟁, 식민지 쟁탈등의 사안이 발생되면, 새롭게 정부구조가 바뀌고, 없었던 부서들이 생기며, 새로운 체제에 맞는 법률이 제정된다. 예를 든다면, 타국을 공격하여 植民地를 획득했다면, 總督府 혹은 植民地 管轄 부서가 생겨야 할 것이다. 植民地는 식민지가 없었을 시기보다 많은 財貨와 財物 그리고 勞動力과 資源들 그리고 기타 利益을 주게 되므로, 이에 맞춰서 정부구조가 바뀌고, 稅法과 統治關聯法律들이 새롭게 만들어질 것이다라는 의미로서 解釋되었다. 전쟁이 발발하면, 전쟁군수물자가 폭발적으로 요구되므로, 생산력을 최대화하기 위한 새로운 법률(戰時法律體制)이 생기고, 새로운 政治 군사 부서가 생길 것이다. 생산력(신기술 혹은 식민지확보 혹은 정책변화에 따른 생산총량의 변화치)은, 인류문명발전과 변화의 원동력이다 라는 해석은 매우 옳다. 아무리 고상한 주장과 주의를 들이밀어도 결국 "먹고 사는 문제" "풍요와 번영과 勢의 과시" 이것에 主眼點이 주어지며, 결국 이것은 生産力이 增大되어야 可能하다는 점이다.
제1차, 제2차세계대전은 美國에게 풍요와 번영을 가져다 준다. 이것은 폭발적인 수요의 증가에 힘입은 것으로서, 폭발적 수요의 증가에 발맞춰, 생산력을 배증시킨 정책들이 생겨난 결과다. 오늘 날 美國經濟의 상당부분은 軍需産業에 의존되고 있다.
유물사관의 토대결정론은 경제사회(토대)와 국가(이데올로기)의 구분법 성립이 가능한, 자유방임적 자본주의 사회를 모체로 해서 구성한 이론이다. 따라서 당 관료나 국가권력이 경제를 지배하는 공산사회 같은 곳에는 경제적 토대가 모든 것을 결정하기보다는 그 반대임을 알 수 있다.[1]
마르크스·엥겔스는 생산관계의 변화에 따라 원시 공산제 사회, 고대 노예제 사회, 중세 봉건제 사회, 근대 자본주의 사회, 다시 사회주의사회, 공산주의사회의 차례로 발전한다고 주장하며, 노예제에서 자본제까지는 생산수단의 사적 소유가 인정되고 따라서 계급대립이 존재한다는 점에서 인류의 역사는 계급투쟁의 역사라고 규정했다.
-> 인류역사에 있어서 대부분의 전쟁과 대립들은, 이익의 대립적관계이다. 帝國主義 또한 영토를 넓히고 식민지를 확보하여 번영과 풍요로서의 생산력증가(노동력, 자원확보 및 기타)를 목적으로 한 것이었을 것이다. 이러한 植民地 爭奪戰은 필연적으로 世界大戰을 불러올 것이었다. 그리고 이것은 근본적으로는, 생산력, 생산관계(먹고 산다. 여유, 풍요, 번영, 세력의 확장과시)에 기초되어질 것이었다.
이러한 역사관에는 아우구스티누스 이래의 변신론적(辯神論的) 역사 해석의 전통이 세속화되어 계승되어 있고 따라서 계몽사관의 전제가 내포되어 있음을 볼 수 있다는 점에서 그 독창적인 부분은 매우 근소하다고 보기도 한다.[1]
하지만 역사 유물론은 1950년대에 들어서 공산당 내부의 비판을 피하고 공산당의 권위를 지키기 위한 수단으로써 대폭 수정되었고 논리적으로 자가당착에 빠지게 되는 모습을 보여 현재는 거의 이용되지 않는 이론이다.
유물사관은 생산력과 생산관계의 모순을 비롯해서 계급적 모순을 역사발전의 원동력이라고 주장하는 변증법적 역사해석을 시도해 왔으나 1958년 이후 공산권의 모순 논쟁에서는 모순이 역사발전의 원동력이 아니요, 모순의 지양이나 통일 단결이 그 원동력이라고 주장함으로써 중·소 분쟁이나 체제내의 반목·비판의 여지를 주지 않으려는 방향으로 유물사관을 크게 수정하지 않을 수 없었다. 1951년 스탈린의 논문 〈마르크스 주의에서의 언어학〉 이래 언어·문법·수학 등은 토대도 상부구조도 아니며, 따라서 계급적인 것도 아니라고 수정하게 됨으로써 유물사관의 토대·상부구조의 구분법을 스스로 부인하는 자가당착에 빠지게 되었다.[
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이러한 사상을 불온사상이라고 규정하는 자들 그 자신들이 불온 불순한 자들로 생각되었다. 칼 마르크스, 엥겔스의 사상은 매우 올바른 사상이었다.
的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的庶子的的及的的徧的的浹的的이서현的的及的的徧的的浹的的洪羅喜的的及的的徧的的浹的的李在鎔的的及的的徧的的浹的的李健熙的的及的的徧的的浹的的無條件的的及的的徧的的浹的的殺害的的及的的徧的的浹的的除去的的及的的徧的的浹的的消滅的的及的的徧的的浹的的持續的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的恒久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永久的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的永遠的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的무한(無限) 반복(反復)的的及的的徧的的浹的的處理的的及的的徧的的浹的的諸一切的的及的的徧的的浹的的ether醚的的及的的徧的的浹的的體的的及的的徧的的浹的的無關係的的及的的徧的的浹的的dependence (up)on的的及的的徧的的浹的的Pleiades的的及的的徧的的浹的的su·preme的的及的的徧的的浹的的being的的及的的徧的的浹的的Democracy (Greek: δημοκρατία dēmokratía, literally "Rule by 'People'") is a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and vote directly on each issue. In a representative democracy the citizens elect representatives from among themselves. These representatives meet to form a governing body, such as a legislature. In a constitutional democracy the powers of the majority are exercised within the framework of a representative democracy, but the constitution limits the majority and protects the minority, usually through the enjoyment by all of certain individual rights, e.g. freedom of speech, or freedom of association.[1][2] "Rule of the majority" is sometimes referred to as democracy.[3] Democracy is a system of processing conflicts in which outcomes depend on what participants do, but no single force controls what occurs and its outcomes.
The uncertainty of outcomes is inherent in democracy, which makes all forces struggle repeatedly for the realization of their interests, being the devolution of power from a group of people to a set of rules.[4] Western democracy, as distinct from that which existed in pre-modern societies, is generally considered to have originated in city-states such as Classical Athens and the Roman Republic, where various schemes and degrees of enfranchisement of the free male population were observed before the form disappeared in the West at the beginning of late antiquity. The English word dates back to the 16th century, from the older Middle French and Middle Latin equivalents.
According to American political scientist Larry Diamond, democracy consists of four key elements: a political system for choosing and replacing the government through free and fair elections; the active participation of the people, as citizens, in politics and civic life; protection of the human rights of all citizens; a rule of law, in which the laws and procedures apply equally to all citizens.[5] Todd Landman, nevertheless, draws our attention to the fact that democracy and human rights are two different concepts and that "there must be greater specificity in the conceptualisation and operationalization of democracy and human rights".[6]
The term appeared in the 5th century BC to denote the political systems then existing in Greek city-states, notably Athens, to mean "rule of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "rule of an elite". While theoretically these definitions are in opposition, in practice the distinction has been blurred historically.[7] The political system of Classical Athens, for example, granted democratic citizenship to free men and excluded slaves and women from political participation. In virtually all democratic governments throughout ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship consisted of an elite class, until full enfranchisement was won for all adult citizens in most modern democracies through the suffrage movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Democracy contrasts with forms of government where power is either held by an individual, as in an absolute monarchy, or where power is held by a small number of individuals, as in an oligarchy. Nevertheless, these oppositions, inherited from Greek philosophy,[8] are now ambiguous because contemporary governments have mixed democratic, oligarchic and monarchic elements. Karl Popper defined democracy in contrast to dictatorship or tyranny, thus focusing on opportunities for the people to control their leaders and to oust them without the need for a revolution.[
A republic (Latin: res publica) is a form of government in which the country is considered a “public matter”, not the private concern or property of the rulers. The primary positions of power within a republic are not inherited, but are attained through democracy, oligarchy or autocracy. It is a form of government under which the head of state is not a hereditary monarch.[1][2][3]
In the context of American constitutional law, the definition of republic refers specifically to a form of government in which elected individuals represent the citizen body[2][better source needed] and exercise power according to the rule of law under a constitution, including separation of powers with an elected head of state, referred to as a constitutional republic[4][5][6][7] or representative democracy.[8]
As of 2017[update], 159 of the world’s 206 sovereign states use the word “republic” as part of their official names – not all of these are republics in the sense of having elected governments, nor is the word “republic” used in the names of all nations with elected governments. While heads of state often tend to claim that they rule only by the “consent of the governed”, elections in some countries have been found to be held more for the purpose of “show” than for the actual purpose of in reality providing citizens with any genuine ability to choose their own leaders.[9]
The word republic comes from the Latin term res publica, which literally means “public thing,” “public matter,” or “public affair” and was used to refer to the state as a whole. The term developed its modern meaning in reference to the constitution of the ancient Roman Republic, lasting from the overthrow of the kings in 509 B.C. to the establishment of the Empire in 27 B.C. This constitution was characterized by a Senate composed of wealthy aristocrats and wielding significant influence; several popular assemblies of all free citizens, possessing the power to elect magistrates and pass laws; and a series of magistracies with varying types of civil and political authority.
Most often a republic is a single sovereign state, but there are also sub-sovereign state entities that are referred to as republics, or that have governments that are described as “republican” in nature. For instance, Article IV of the United States Constitution "guarantee[s] to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government".[10] In contrast, the former Soviet Union, which described itself as being a group of “Republics” and also as a “federal multinational state composed of 15 republics”, was widely viewed as being a totalitarian form of government and not a genuine republic, since its electoral system was structured so as to automatically guarantee the election of government-sponsored candidates.[
The term originates from the Latin translation of Greek word politeia. Cicero, among other Latin writers, translated politeia as res publica and it was in turn translated by Renaissance scholars as "republic" (or similar terms in various western European languages).[citation needed]
The term politeia can be translated as form of government, polity, or regime and is therefore not always a word for a specific type of regime as the modern word republic is. One of Plato's major works on political science was titled Politeia and in English it is thus known as The Republic. However, apart from the title, in modern translations of The Republic, alternative translations of politeia are also used.[12]
However, in Book III of his Politics, Aristotle was apparently the first classical writer to state that the term politeia can be used to refer more specifically to one type of politeia: "When the citizens at large govern for the public good, it is called by the name common to all governments (to koinon onoma pasōn tōn politeiōn), government (politeia)". Also amongst classical Latin, the term "republic" can be used in a general way to refer to any regime, or in a specific way to refer to governments which work for the public good.[13]
In medieval Northern Italy, a number of city states had commune or signoria based governments. In the late Middle Ages, writers such as Giovanni Villani began writing about the nature of these states and the differences from other types of regime. They used terms such as libertas populi, a free people, to describe the states. The terminology changed in the 15th century as the renewed interest in the writings of Ancient Rome caused writers to prefer using classical terminology. To describe non-monarchical states writers, most importantly Leonardo Bruni, adopted the Latin phrase res publica.[14]
While Bruni and Machiavelli used the term to describe the states of Northern Italy, which were not monarchies, the term res publica has a set of interrelated meanings in the original Latin. The term can quite literally be translated as "public matter".[15] It was most often used by Roman writers to refer to the state and government, even during the period of the Roman Empire.[16]
In subsequent centuries, the English word "commonwealth" came to be used as a translation of res publica, and its use in English was comparable to how the Romans used the term res publica.[17] Notably, during The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell the word commonwealth was the most common term to call the new monarchless state, but the word republic was also in common use.[18] Likewise, in Polish the term was translated as rzeczpospolita, although the translation is now only used with respect to Poland.
Presently, the term "republic" commonly means a system of government which derives its power from the people rather than from another basis, such as heredity or divine right.[
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit.[1][2][3][4] Characteristics central to capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labor, voluntary exchange, a price system, and competitive markets.[5][6] In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by every owner of wealth, property or production ability in financial and capital markets, whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are mainly determined by competition in goods and services markets.[7][8]
Economists, political economists, sociologists and historians have adopted different perspectives in their analyses of capitalism and have recognized various forms of it in practice. These include laissez-faire or free market capitalism, welfare capitalism and state capitalism. Different forms of capitalism feature varying degrees of free markets, public ownership,[9] obstacles to free competition and state-sanctioned social policies. The degree of competition in markets, the role of intervention and regulation, and the scope of state ownership vary across different models of capitalism.[10][11] The extent to which different markets are free as well as the rules defining private property are matters of politics and policy. Most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention and in some cases economic planning.[12]
Market economies have existed under many forms of government and in many different times, places and cultures. Modern capitalist societies—marked by a universalization of money-based social relations, a consistently large and system-wide class of workers who must work for wages, and a capitalist class which owns the means of production—developed in Western Europe in a process that led to the Industrial Revolution. Capitalist systems with varying degrees of direct government intervention have since become dominant in the Western world and continue to spread. Over time, capitalist countries have experienced consistent economic growth and an increase in the standard of living.
Critics of capitalism argue that it establishes power in the hands of a minority capitalist class that exists through the exploitation of the majority working class and their labor; prioritizes profit over social good, natural resources and the environment; and is an engine of inequality, corruption and economic instabilities. Supporters argue that it provides better products and innovation through competition, disperses wealth to all productive people, promotes pluralism and decentralization of power, creates strong economic growth, and yields productivity and prosperity that greatly benefit society
The term "capitalist", meaning an owner of capital, appears earlier than the term "capitalism" and it dates back to the mid-17th century. "Capitalism" is derived from capital, which evolved from capitale, a late Latin word based on caput, meaning "head"—also the origin of "chattel" and "cattle" in the sense of movable property (only much later to refer only to livestock). Capitale emerged in the 12th to 13th centuries in the sense of referring to funds, stock of merchandise, sum of money or money carrying interest.[24]:232[25][26] By 1283, it was used in the sense of the capital assets of a trading firm and it was frequently interchanged with a number of other words—wealth, money, funds, goods, assets, property and so on.[24]:233
The Hollandische Mercurius uses "capitalists" in 1633 and 1654 to refer to owners of capital.[24]:234 In French, Étienne Clavier referred to capitalistes in 1788,[27] six years before its first recorded English usage by Arthur Young in his work Travels in France (1792).[26][28] In his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), David Ricardo referred to "the capitalist" many times.[29] Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an English poet, used "capitalist" in his work Table Talk (1823).[30] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon used the term "capitalist" in his first work, What is Property? (1840), to refer to the owners of capital. Benjamin Disraeli used the term "capitalist" in his 1845 work Sybil.[26]
The initial usage of the term "capitalism" in its modern sense has been attributed to Louis Blanc in 1850 ("What I call 'capitalism' that is to say the appropriation of capital by some to the exclusion of others") and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1861 ("Economic and social regime in which capital, the source of income, does not generally belong to those who make it work through their labour").[24]:237 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels referred to the "capitalistic system"[31][32] and to the "capitalist mode of production" in Capital (1867).[33] The use of the word "capitalism" in reference to an economic system appears twice in Volume I of Capital, p. 124 (German edition) and in Theories of Surplus Value, tome II, p. 493 (German edition). Marx did not extensively use the form capitalism, but instead those of capitalist and capitalist mode of production, which appear more than 2,600 times in the trilogy The Capital. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the term "capitalism" first appeared in English in 1854 in the novel The Newcomes by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray, where he meant "having ownership of capital".[34] Also according to the OED, Carl Adolph Douai, a German American socialist and abolitionist, used the phrase "private capitalism" in 1863.
The rule of law is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as: "The authority and influence of law in society, especially when viewed as a constraint on individual and institutional behavior; (hence) the principle whereby all members of a society (including those in government) are considered equally subject to publicly disclosed legal codes and processes."[2] The phrase "the rule of law" refers to a political situation, not to any specific legal rule.
Use of the phrase can be traced to 16th-century Britain, and in the following century the Scottish theologian Samuel Rutherford employed it in arguing against the divine right of kings.[3] John Locke wrote that freedom in society means being subject only to laws made by a legislature that apply to everyone, with a person being otherwise free from both governmental and private restrictions upon liberty. "The rule of law" was further popularized in the 19th century by British jurist A. V. Dicey. However, the principle, if not the phrase itself, was recognized by ancient thinkers; for example, Aristotle wrote: "It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens".[4]
The rule of law implies that every person is subject to the law, including people who are lawmakers, law enforcement officials, and judges.[5] In this sense, it stands in contrast to a monarchy or oligarchy where the rulers are held above the law.[citation needed] Lack of the rule of law can be found in both democracies and monarchies, for example, because of neglect or ignorance of the law, and the rule of law is more apt to decay if a government has insufficient corrective mechanisms for restoring it.
Ethics or moral philosophy is a branch of philosophy that involves systematizing, defending, and recommending concepts of right and wrong conduct.[1] The field of ethics, along with aesthetics, concerns matters of value, and thus comprises the branch of philosophy called axiology.[2]
Ethics seeks to resolve questions of human morality by defining concepts such as good and evil, right and wrong, virtue and vice, justice and crime. As a field of intellectual inquiry, moral philosophy also is related to the fields of moral psychology, descriptive ethics, and value theory.
Three major areas of study within ethics recognized today are:[1]
- Meta-ethics, concerning the theoretical meaning and reference of moral propositions, and how their truth values (if any) can be determined
- Normative ethics, concerning the practical means of determining a moral course of action
- Applied ethics, concerning what a person is obligated (or permitted) to do in a specific situation or a particular domain of action[1]
觀自在菩薩 行深般若波羅蜜多時 照見五蘊皆空 度一切苦厄
관자재보살(관세음보살)이 반야바라밀다(부처님의 지혜)를 행할때 오온이 모두 비어 있음을 비추어 보시고 하나이자 전부인 온갖 괴로움과 재앙을 건넜다.
舍利子 色不異空 空不異色 色卽是空 空卽是色 受想行識 亦復如是
사리자여, 물질이 공(空)과 다르지 않고 공이 물질과 다르지 않으며 물질이 곧 공이요, 공이 곧 물질이다. 느낌, 생각과 지어감, 의식 또한 그러하니라.
舍利子 是諸法空相 不生不滅 不垢不淨 不增不減
사리자여, 이 모든 법은 나지도 않고 멸하지도 않으며, 더럽지도 않고 깨끗하지도 않으며, 늘지도 줄지도 않느니라
是故 空中無色無受想行識 無眼耳鼻舌身意 無色聲香味觸法 無眼界 乃至 無意識界
그러므로 공 가운데는 색이 없고 수 상 행 식도 없으며, 안이비설신의도 없고, 색성향미촉법도 없으며, 눈의 경계도 의식의 경계까지도 없으며
無無明 亦無無明盡 乃至 無老死 亦無老死盡
무명도 무명이 다함까지도 없으며, 늙고 죽음도 늙고 죽음이 다함까지도 없고
無苦集滅道 無智 亦無得 以無所得故 菩提薩陀 依般若波羅蜜多
고집멸도도 없으며, 지혜도 얻음도 없느리라. 얻을것이 없는 까닭에 보살은 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로
故心無罣碍 無罣碍故 無有恐怖 遠離 (一切) 顚倒夢想 究竟涅槃
마음에 걸림이 없고, 걸림이 없으므로 두려움이 없어서 뒤바뀐 헛된 생각을 멀리 떠나 완전한 열반에 들어가며
三世諸佛依般若波羅蜜多 故得阿耨多羅三藐三菩提 故知般若波羅蜜多 是大神呪 是大明呪 是無上呪 是無等等呪 能除一切苦 眞實不虛
삼세의 모든 부처님도 이 반야바라밀다를 의지하므로 최상의 깨달음을 얻느니라. 반야바라밀다는 가장 신비하고 밝은 주문이며, 위없는 주문이며, 무엇과도 견줄 수 없는 주문이니, 온갖 괴로움을 없애고 진실하여 허망하지 않음을 알지니라.
故說般若波羅蜜多呪 卽說呪曰
이제 반야바라밀다주를 말하리라.
揭諦揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶(3)
'아제아제 바라아제 바라승아제 모지 사바하'(3)
(Gate Gate paragate parasamgate Bodhi Svaha:가테 가테 파라가테 파라삼가테 보디 스바하)
가자, 가자, 피안(彼岸)으로 가자, 피안으로 넘어가자, 영원한 깨달음이여的的及的的遍的的民主主義的的及的的遍的的
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